ProleWiki - User contributions [en]

Communist Party of Scotland

2023-12-28T05:22:53Z

RedPowerBall: linked "communist" to Communism page

{{Infobox political party|name=Communist Party of Scotland|native_name=Pàrtaidh Co-Mhaoineach na h-Alba|founded=1992|dissolved=2018}}

The '''Communist Party of Scotland''' was a [[communist]] party in [[Scotland]] that supported Scottish independence.<ref>{{News citation|date=2013-05-13|title=Frontline 21 - A Better Scotland is Possible...and a Better Left|newspaper=Frontline Online|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170506032124/http://www.redflag.org.uk/|archive-date=2017-05-06}}</ref> It was formed after the collapse of the [[Communist Party of Great Britain]].<ref>{{News citation|date=2015-12-14|title=Audrey Canning against Glasgow Caledonian University and Democratic Left Scotland|url=https://www.scotcourts.gov.uk/search-judgments/judgment?id=f651fca6-8980-69d2-b500-ff0000d74aa7|newspaper=Scottish Courts and Tribunals|retrieved=2022-02-17}}</ref>

== References ==
{{Communist Parties}}
<references />
[[Category:Communist parties]]

Edward Smith

2023-12-21T22:08:05Z

RedPowerBall: Updating citations

'''Edward Liger Smith''' is a [[United States of America|Statesian]] [[Socialism|socialist]]. He is a member of [[Midwestern Marx]] and a wrestling coach at the University of Wisconsin-Platteville.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=Midwestern Marx|title=Staff|url=https://www.midwesternmarx.com/staff.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221011214738/https://www.midwesternmarx.com/staff.html|archive-date=2022-10-11|retrieved=2022-10-16}}</ref> He falsely claimed that the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union|Bolsheviks]] "reach[ed] out" to members of the [[Black Hundreds]], a [[Far-right politics|far-right]] [[Monarchism|monarchist]] group in the [[Russian Empire (1721–1917)|Russian Empire]].<ref>{{Web citation|author=@EdbieLigerSmith|title=If Modern day Western communists lived in Russia|url=https://twitter.com/EdbieLigerSmith/status/1673102904436113409|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230626023258/https://twitter.com/EdbieLigerSmith/status/1673102904436113409|archive-date=26 Jun 2023|quote=If Modern day Western communists lived in [[Russian Empire|Russia]] they would have tweeted pictures of the [[Bolsheviks]] reaching out to the [[Black Hundreds|black hundreds]] and demanded that people cancel them for it.}}</ref>

=== Tailist Support of Donald Trump ===
On December 20th, 2023, Eddie Liger Smith wrote a tweet espousing the idea that [[Donald Trump]] was being unjustly affected by "...lawfare being used to manipulate elections."<ref>{{Web citation|author=@EdbieLigerSmith|title=Twitter Post 2023-12-20|date=2023-12-20|url=https://twitter.com/EdbieLigerSmith/status/1737580869206921463|archive-date=2023-12-23|quote=If you admit to unfollowing us because we don’t support lawfare against Trump you’re admitting to living in a liberal echo chamber with no alternative analysis of Trump allowed.

The State is a dictatorship of the ruling capitalist class… If you think that State is going after Trump because it has the best interests of the American people in mind, you’re either delusional or ignorant about the true function of the State.

We should condemn lawfare being used to manipulate elections on principle… because if they’ll do it to Trump they’ll do it to us… just look at how Lula da Silva was jailed before the election in 2018.

Have some principles and learn to engage in a sober materialist analysis… enough of the Trump derangement syndrome, Marxists should be smarter than that.}}</ref>

This tweet came in response to the decision by the [[Colorado]] Supreme Court on December 19th, 2023 that Donald Trump could not<blockquote>...appear on the Colorado Republican presidential primary ballot in 2024... [because] [a] majority of the court holds that President Trump is disqualified from holding the office of President under Section Three of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution.<ref>Colorado Supreme Court [https://www.courts.state.co.us/userfiles/file/Court_Probation/Supreme_Court/Opinions/2023/23SA300.pdf 2023 CO 63]</ref></blockquote>This decision from the court was made because of Trump's actions in aiding and abetting the [[2021 United States Capitol insurrection]].

== References ==
[[Category:Statesian communists]]
<references />
[[Category:Patriotic socialists]]
{{DEFAULTSORT:Smith, Edward}}

Edward Smith

2023-12-21T21:56:39Z

RedPowerBall: Added "Tailist Support of Donald Trump" section

'''Edward Liger Smith''' is a [[United States of America|Statesian]] [[Socialism|socialist]]. He is a member of [[Midwestern Marx]] and a wrestling coach at the University of Wisconsin-Platteville.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=Midwestern Marx|title=Staff|url=https://www.midwesternmarx.com/staff.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221011214738/https://www.midwesternmarx.com/staff.html|archive-date=2022-10-11|retrieved=2022-10-16}}</ref> He falsely claimed that the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union|Bolsheviks]] "reach[ed] out" to members of the [[Black Hundreds]], a [[Far-right politics|far-right]] [[Monarchism|monarchist]] group in the [[Russian Empire (1721–1917)|Russian Empire]].<ref>{{Web citation|author=@EdbieLigerSmith|title=If Modern day Western communists lived in Russia|url=https://twitter.com/EdbieLigerSmith/status/1673102904436113409|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230626023258/https://twitter.com/EdbieLigerSmith/status/1673102904436113409|archive-date=26 Jun 2023|quote=If Modern day Western communists lived in [[Russian Empire|Russia]] they would have tweeted pictures of the [[Bolsheviks]] reaching out to the [[Black Hundreds|black hundreds]] and demanded that people cancel them for it.}}</ref>

=== Tailist Support of Donald Trump ===
On December 20th, 2023, Eddie Liger Smith [https://twitter.com/EdbieLigerSmith/status/1737580869206921463 wrote a tweet] espousing the idea that [[Donald Trump]] was being unjustly affected by "...lawfare being used to manipulate elections."

This tweet came in response to the decision ([https://www.courts.state.co.us/userfiles/file/Court_Probation/Supreme_Court/Opinions/2023/23SA300.pdf 2023 CO 63]) by [[Colorado]] Supreme Court on December 19th, 2023 that Donald Trump could not<blockquote>...appear on the Colorado Republican presidential primary ballot in 2024... [because] [a] majority of the court holds that President Trump is disqualified from holding the office of Presient under Section Three of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution.</blockquote>This decision from the court was made because of Trump's actions in aiding and abetting the [[2021 United States Capitol insurrection]].

== References ==
[[Category:Statesian communists]]
<references />
[[Category:Patriotic socialists]]
{{DEFAULTSORT:Smith, Edward}}

Commodity fetishism

2023-12-12T18:46:13Z

RedPowerBall: Added "Other Frameworks?" section

'''Commodity Fetishism''' is a theoretical concept first described by [[Karl Marx]] in [[Capital, vol. I]]. It describes the relationships behind a property of the [[Commodity]]; how the ''value-form'' (i.e. price, exchange value, etc.) of a commodity is considered to be an inherent quality within itself instead of as the product of human social relations.

The introduction and reproduction of the value-form is dialectically tied to the process of commodity production. The value-form transforms social relations between producers (e.g. workers, laborers) into a social relation between things (e.g. money). This generates a metaphysical relationship between people and abstracts individual labor, making it a "standard of homogenous human labor."

Below Marx gives insight into this topic and connects religion to the concept <blockquote>"...for a society based upon the production of commodities, in which the producers in general enter into social relations with one another by treating their products as commodities and values, whereby they reduce their individual private labour to the standard of homogeneous human labour – for such a society, Christianity with its ''cultus'' of abstract man, more especially in its bourgeois developments, Protestantism, Deism, &c., is the most fitting form of religion"<ref name=":0">https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm#S4</ref></blockquote>

=== Other Frameworks? ===
Within the same chapter Marx explores what kind of labor relationships could exist in communities of "free" producers that hold the "means of production in common" and where the "means of subsistence is determined by ... labour time" <blockquote>Let us now picture to ourselves, by way of change, a community of free individuals, carrying on their work with the means of production in common, in which the labour power of all the different individuals is consciously applied as the combined labour power of the community. The total product of our community is a social product. One portion serves as fresh means of production and remains social. But another portion is consumed by the members as means of subsistence. A distribution of this portion amongst them is consequently necessary. The mode of this distribution will vary with the productive organisation of the community, and the degree of historical development attained by the producers.

We will assume, but merely for the sake of a parallel with the production of commodities, that the share of each individual producer in the means of subsistence is determined by his labour time. Labour time would, in that case, play a double part. Its apportionment in accordance with a definite social plan maintains the proper proportion between the different kinds of work to be done and the various wants of the community. On the other hand, it also serves as a measure of the portion of the common labour borne by each individual, and of his share in the part of the total product destined for individual consumption. The social relations of the individual producers, with regard both to their labour and to its products, are in this case perfectly simple and intelligible, and that with regard not only to production but also to distribution.<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>

== References ==

Commodity fetishism

2023-12-12T18:36:19Z

RedPowerBall: removing an unnecessary "a"

Commodity fetishism

2023-12-12T18:35:56Z

RedPowerBall: more editing

Commodity fetishism

2023-12-12T18:24:36Z

RedPowerBall: Edited the article

'''Commodity Fetishism''' is a theoretical concept first described by [[Karl Marx]] in [[Capital, vol. I]]. It encompasses the relationships behind a property of the [[Commodity]]; specifically how the ''value-form'' (i.e. price, exchange value, etc.) of a commodity is considered to be an inherent quality within itself instead of as the product of human social relations.

The introduction and reproduction of the value-form is dialectically tied to the process of commodity production. The value-form transforms social relations between producers (e.g. workers, laborers) into a social relation between things (e.g. money). This generates a metaphysical relationship between people and abstracts individual labor, making it a "standard of homogenous human labor."

Below Marx gives insight into this topic and ties religion to the overall concept <blockquote>"...for a society based upon the production of commodities, in which the producers in general enter into social relations with one another by treating their products as commodities and values, whereby they reduce their individual private labour to the standard of homogeneous human labour – for such a society, Christianity with its ''cultus'' of abstract man, more especially in its bourgeois developments, Protestantism, Deism, &c., is the most fitting form of religion"<ref>https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm#S4</ref></blockquote>

== References ==

ExxonMobil Corporation

2023-12-11T07:29:15Z

RedPowerBall: Added Nazi Collaboration section

{{Infobox company|name=ExxonMobil Corporation|image=ExxonMobil logo.svg|founding_name=Standard Oil of New Jersey|founding_date=August 5, 1882|founder=[[John D. Rockefeller]]|industry=Oil|headquarters=Harris County, [[Texas]], [[United States]]|employee_number=62,300}}

'''ExxonMobil Corporation''', formerly known as '''Standard Oil''', is a multinational imperialist corporation with headquarters in the [[United States of America|United States]]. In 2022, it made $55.7 billion in [[profit]]. It is one of the most powerful oil corporations in the world.<ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Eduardo Rodríguez|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Venezuelans Say NO to U.S. and ExxonMobil meddling in the Essequibo region|date=2023-12-06|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/venezuelans-say-no-to-u-s-and-exxonmobil-meddling-in-the-essequibo-region/|retrieved=2023-12-10}}</ref>

== History ==
In 2006, President [[Hugo Chávez]] nationalized [[Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela|Venezuela]]'s oil industry. ExxonMobil refused and went to the [[The World Bank|World Bank]], which demanded $1.6 billion in compensation from Venezuela in 2014.

In 2015, CEO [[Rex Tillerson]], later a U.S. [[United States Department of State|Secretary of State]], began operations in the disputed Guayana Esequibo region. On 5 March 2015, [[Co-operative Republic of Guyana|Guyana]] installed an oil platform run by ExxonMobil off the shore of the Esequibo. Since then, Guyana has discovered 5.5 billion barrels of oil. This discovery did not benefit the Guyanese people because the government of Guyana exempted ExxonMobil from taxes and guaranteed at least 75% of oil revenue to the company and only half of the remaining 25% to Guyana. Future Guyanese governments are not allowed to change the agreement without ExxonMobil's permission.

On 3 December 2023, Venezuelans voted to reclaim the Esequibo region.<ref name=":0" />

==== Nazi Collaboration ====
In March of 1942 Standard Oil of New Jersey was implicated in bolstering the Nazi war effort during [[World war two|World War Two]] even after the US entered the war. This is based on findings by a US Senate committee chaired by Harry Truman. The committee learned of a series of patent and process-exchange agreements for rubber between SONJ and I.G. Farben.<ref>{{Citation|author=Stuart Ewen|year=1996|title=PR!|chapter=Public Ultimatums|page=348|quote=By 1945, as the Public Relations Conferences began, another more recent cloud darkened Standard Oil's future. In March 1942, a Senate committee chaired by Harry Truman - while investigating concentrations of economic power - had stumbled upon a particularly damaging bit of information. The committee learned of a series of patent and process-exchange agreements - for synthetic "Buna" rubber - between SONJ and the notorious German chemical cartel, I.G.Farben. Later it would be revealed that these agreements persisted even after the United States had entered the war.|publisher=Basic Books|isbn=0465061796}}</ref>

Below is a quote from [[The Militant|''The Militant'']] which shows that imperialist collaboration in the formation of a worldwide petroleum and chemical cartel was the initial reason for collaboration with the Nazi government:<blockquote>Last week, tire Truman Senate Investigating Committee heard further government testimony showing that Standard Oil, in conformity with its arrangements with the Nazi interests, continued as late as December 1941 to provide oil and other necessary operating supplies for Nazi and Italian airlines bringing “spies, propaganda and profit-producing goods” to South America and returning to Europe with “essential war materials.”

The committee heard from the lips of a leading Treasury official the details of Standard’s efforts to turn over its Hungarian plants to the Nazis for $24,000.000 gold, a deal which the Treasury blocked because it would have “permitted the Standard Oil Co. to have been preferred by Germany over other American owners of capital investments in Germany” and would have furthered Nazi economic conquest in Europe.
These facts further brought out the close tie-up between Standard and the German capitalist interests and lent additional weight to the documentary evidence presented to the Truman Committee two weeks ago by Assistant. Attorney General Arnold, which established that Standard and I.G. Farben had an iron-clad cartel agreement, first made in Nov. 1929 to recognize each other’s exclusive rights in particular economic spheres. I.G. Farben was to have world control in chemicals and Standard, in petroleum products and synthetic gasoline.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Art Preis|newspaper=Marxists|title=Standard Oil Bosses Lie About Deal With Nazis: New Evidence Piles Up Despite Efforts of Company and Boss Press to Stifle Truth|date=1942-11-04|url=https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/writers/preis/1942/04/so-nazis2.htm|retrieved=2023-10-11}}</ref></blockquote>

== References ==
[[Category:Imperialist companies]]
[[Category:Companies based in the United States]]

Organizational structure of the Communist Party of China

2023-09-29T06:56:29Z

RedPowerBall: Adding in Grassroots and Local leve information. Need to get to central level later

The organizational structure of the [[Communist Party of China]] is very important to how it functions and involves multiple levels of organization from what is considered the "Grassroots" level the "Central" level, at the top of the Party's hierarchy.<ref>{{Web citation|author=CGTN|newspaper=China Global Television Network|title=Who Runs the CPC|url=https://news.cgtn.com/event/2021/who-runs-the-cpc/index.html}}</ref>

== Grassroots Level ==
The Grassroots level of the CPC is composed of individual party Branches that can be managed by a Primary Party Committee based on how many party branches there are in an area. As of June 2021 there are 4.6 million grassroots Party Branch organizations in the CPC.

=== Party Branch ===
Structurally the smallest unit and most basic organization of the CPC. Three CPC members are required to form a Party Branch

==== Party Branch Committee ====
A Party Branch Committee can be formed when there are between eight and fifty members in a party branch. Generally these committees are composed of three to five people that are elected by the members of the branch.

=== General Party Branch ===
A General Party Branch is a collection of Party Branch organizations that are composed of between fifty and no more than one hundred party members. Committees are formed by branch members to perform work within the General Party Branch.

== Local Level ==
The Local level of the CPC is considered to be the "Backbone" of the Party organization, because it serves as the connection of the Grassroots level organization to the Central level of organization. Party Congress organizations preside at this level

=== Party Congresses ===
Composed of delegates from Party branches at the Grassroots level which form into Congresses and govern over the County, the City, and the Provincial levels. Sessions are held every five years.

Party Congresses are composed of Party Congress Committees at each respective level

==== County Level Party Congresses ====
Formed with between two hundred to four hundred delegates

==== City Level Party Congresses ====
Formed with between three hundred to five hundred delegates

==== Provincial Level Party Congresses ====
Formed with between four hundred to eight hundred delegates

==== Congress Committees ====
Committees hold plenary sessions at least biannually. At these sessions, these committees elect their Standing Committees, Secretaries, and Deputy Secretaries. The Standing Committee presides over day to day affairs of each committee.

As of June 5, 2021 there were 8,199 local-level Party Committee organizations of the CPC across China. 31 at the provincial level, 397 at the city level, and 2771 at the county level.

== Central Level ==

== References ==

Claudia Jones

2023-08-13T19:12:06Z

RedPowerBall: Added citation and updated formatting

'''Claudia Jones''' was a feminist, Black-liberationist intellectual and organiser for the [[Communist Party of the United States of America|Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA)]], and for this she was deported from the USA to England under the [[Smith Act]] for advocating communism. Claudia was founder of the ''West Indian Gazette'' newspaper and the Caribbean Carnival in London, England.

[[File:Claudia vera f4.png| thumb | 200px| Claudia on the cover of ''Young Communist Review'', 1938]]
Claudia was born in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad on February 21, 1915. At age 8 she emigrated with her family to the United States, where her mother worked in the garment industry and her father as a journalist, likely for the ''West Indian American'' in Harlem, New York City.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 92</ref> Her experience of racism in the United States, as well as her mother's early death at the age of 37 from Spinal Meningitis while Claudia was still in her late teens, and which Claudia attributed to overwork and the poor conditions of life as an immigrant garment worker, motivated Claudia into political activism. During the years of 1935-1936 Claudia wrote a column called ''Claudia's Comments'' for a Black nationalist newspaper<ref>{{Web citation|author=Claudia Jones|newspaper=People's World|title=Life and times of Claudia Jones: In her own words|url=https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/life-and-times-of-claudia-jones-in-her-own-words/}}</ref>, edited a youth paper, organized against the legal persecution of the Scottsboro Boys, and attended Harlem rallies.

In 1936 she joined the Communist Party of the United States of America and its Young Communist League. Her rise within the Party was steady and by the late 1940s she was its major theoretician on women's issues and a member of its National Committee. In "Half the World", her regular Sunday column in the CPUSA newspaper, ''Daily Worker'', as well as in other writings for the Party, she formulated radical Black feminist positions which helped guide a small feminist vanguard in her day and which would be echoed by later generations of feminists, especially Black feminists, in the 1960s and 1970s. Among her contributions were an exploration, along with other Black leftists like Maude White and Louise Thompson Patterson, of the [[Intersectionality| intersections]] between race, class, and gender which placed Black American women under what CPUSA publications called a "triple burden" or "triple oppression" on account of their simultaneous occupation of three subaltern positions: female, racial minority, and working class. The circumstances of this group and their corresponding economic "super-exploitation" made them, in Claudia's view, a key population in the anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist struggle; and among her Party comrades she consistently advocated the importance of the Black woman to their project:
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
Who more than the Negro woman, the most exploited and oppressed, belongs in our Party? To win the Negro women for full participation ... to bring her militancy ... to even greater heights in the current and future struggles against Wall Street imperialism, progressives must acquire political consciousness as regards her special oppressed status.<ref>"An End to the Neglect of the Problems of Negro Women", pp 41-2, quoted in Carole Boyce Davies, p 40.</ref>
</blockquote>
Another of Claudia's contributions, perhaps facilitated by her early experience of racialisation as well as her immersion within the [[Harlem renaissance]] of the 1920s, was her presentation of an expanded conception of United States race relations; she easily transcended blinkered, local, or parochial formulations of Black women's issues and instead was able to situate them within international race relations, imperialism, and the global division of labour. Her biographer Carole Boyce Davies describes her as an early formulator of an anti-imperialist, transnational feminism.<ref>Page 56</ref>

Claudia's internationalist orientation developed even further after her expulsion from the United States. By 1942 if not before, she was under "aggressive surveillance"<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p xxiv</ref> by the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) because of her prominence within the Communist Party. In January 1948 she suffered her first arrest and a brief imprisonment on Ellis Island under the 1918 Immigration Act. Deportation proceedings were begun against her. In October 1950 she was arrested again and imprisoned at Ellis Island and the New York City Women's Prison, this time under the Internal Security Act of 1950 (McCarran Act) which is directed against, among others, "(G) Aliens who write or publish, or cause to be written or published, or who knowingly circulate, distribute, print, or display, or knowingly have in their possession for the purpose of circulation, publication, or display, any written or printed matter, advocating or teaching opposition to all organized government, or advocating (I) the overthrow by force or violence or other unconstitutional means the Government of the United States ... or (v) the economic, international and governmental doctrine of world communism...."<ref>Pub. L. No. 831, Chap.
1024, p. 1002; quoted in Carole Boyce Davies, p 141.
</ref>
She made bail after about a month, but a deportation order was served on her. Claudia had applied for US citizenship when she was 23 and again during her 7 year marriage to US citizen Abraham Scholnik, but her applications, after years of delay, had been denied;<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 147</ref> she was thus always even more vulnerable to legal persecution than other American progressives. In June 1951 she was again arrested, this time under the Alien Registration Act of 1940 (Smith Act), along with 16 other CPUSA members. She made bail ($20,000) after about a month but in January 1953 was convicted and sentenced to a year and a day. Around this time she began suffering from hypertensive cardiovascular disease and was hospitalized after a heart attack. She began serving her sentence in January 1955 at the Women's Penitentiary in Alderson, West Virginia, was released early for "good behaviour" in October, but ordered deported on December 5th. On December 9th she boarded the ''Queen Elizabeth'', seen off by more than 50 people including her father and her sister, bound for London, England to attempt, at age 40, to put down new roots and resume a free life.

In England she was welcomed by friends, including earlier communist deportees from the United States, and members of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). She was quickly admitted into the CPGB, but never achieved the status within that party that she had enjoyed in the CPUSA, possibly because her internationalist positions could be regarded as too close to a Mao Zedong-type line, which was not compatible with the position of the CPGB's top leaders. Carole Boyce Davies believes also that sexism and racism within the British left and the Party hindered her rise. Claudia's years in Great Britain are noteable mainly for activities outside the Party in the West Indian, African, and Asian immigrant communities in London. In 1957 she founded the ''West Indian Gazette'' (later the ''West Indian Gazette and Afro-Asian Caribbean News''), a paper in which she and her romantic and political partner of the period, Abhimanyu Manchanda, invested much energy over the next several years. Filling a void left by the demise of the Caribbean Labour Congress's ''Caribbean News'' in 1957, the ''Gazette'' was the most influential and perhaps only Caribbean newspaper in London during its period of operation. Published weekly, the ''Gazette'' in its heyday was a complete newspaper with film and book reviews, sports news, popular information, major political news and analyses, and an editorial page.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 87</ref>
Its editorial stance was anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist, and it took up the cause of the then-proposed West Indian Federation as a step toward full independence for the Caribbean colonies. It provided a forum for the views of West Indian intellectuals, informed the Black community about upcoming cultural events and performances by West Indian artists, and helped the colonial immigrants in London cohere into a self-conscious and self-respecting community.<ref>The ''West Indian Gazette'' "was meant to be a primary information organ for the Caribbean community and to serve the role of political educator for a community that was beleaguered, scattered, uninformed, and subject to racial oppression, including racial violence" (Carole Boyce Davies, p 172).</ref>

In 1958 Claudia organised the first Caribbean Carnival in London. Inspired by the outdoor Carnivals with music, dancing, and costumes that had been held for many years in the West Indies, the London Carnival was intended to provide the immigrant community a heart warming and unifying celebratory occasion, as well as an opportunity for friendly and positive engagement with their white neighbours. These things were much needed at that moment because the Notting Hill race riots, which shocked and disoriented the West-Indian-Afro-Asian community in London, had just occurred. The London Carnival became a yearly event, held initially indoors with occasional outdoor forays, because it was timed to coincide with the Trinidadian Carnival and thus took place in winter.
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
Essential elements in the first London Caribbean Carnivals included masqueraders, steelband musicians (Trinidad All Stars, Dixielanders), live brass bands, calypsonians (Mighty Terror, Sparrow, and Lord Kitchener).

Another important element of the carnival was the carnival queen competition, and the crowning of the carnival queen. There were also Caribbean dance companies such as Boscoe Holder and Troupe, bongo dancers, tambour bamboo, limbo dancing, and a "jump-up." The carnivals were recorded by the BBC and transmitted to the Caribbean, and televised coverage still marks carnival celebrations in the Caribbean. Photographs reveal huge dancing crowds of attendees. (Carole Boyce Davies, p 180.)

</blockquote>
In 1965, the regular Carnival did not occur, because of Claudia's death in December 1964, but that summer, Carnival activities took place in the streets and became the Notting Hill Carnival which continues to this day, attracting more than a million people annually, and claiming to be the biggest street festival of popular culture in Europe.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 180</ref>

Claudia believed that economics, politics, and culture are inextricably linked.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 174</ref>
She had conflict with some in the CPGB and other leftists over the idea that things such as carnival, dances, and beauty pageants were relevant to political work.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 175</ref> According to Carole Boyce Davies, Claudia Jones "determined that culture, as a series of normative practices, was an important tool in the community's development as in larger political and economic struggles as a whole" (p 175). Regarding the Carnival, Carole adds that:
<blockquote style="font-size:100%; background-color:orange; color:#783056; padding:0.6em">
Still within the context of Marxism-Leninism, therefore, Jones was drawn to those aspects of culture that lent themselves to community joy and social transcendence of the given conditions of people's experience, that is, their material culture. Thus putting in place the celebratory, in this case, was an act of cultural affirmation. — P 175.
</blockquote>

Although her level of activity remained high during her years in England, Claudia's health was by this time not entirely robust. Some of the problems that had begun during her ordeal in the US justice system lingered, and it should also be noted that she had been diagnosed with tuberculosis when she was 19 and committed at that time to a sanatorium for almost a year because of it.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p xxiii</ref> In 1956 she was hospitalized in London for three months.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p xxvi</ref>

Despite these problems and her work load, Claudia was able to make three interesting trips abroad during the last years of her life. In 1962 she visited the Soviet Union on an invitation from the women's magazine, ''Soviet Women''.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 223.</ref> She toured Leningrad, Moscow, and Sevastapol, studying developments in health care and visiting a school. She spent some time as a patient at Rossia Sanatorium in Yalta, Crimea, during this trip. Two of her poems, "Storm at Sea", and "Paean to Crimea", were written at the sanatorium. She returned to London on November 21, and described her trip in glowing terms for the ''West Indian Gazette'' in December:
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
I wanted to see for myself the first Land of Socialism; to meet its people, to see for myself the growth of its society, its culture, its technological and scientific advance. I was curious to see a land which I already knew abhorred racial discrimination to the extent of making it a legal crime and where the equality of all people is a recognized axiom.
</blockquote>
In 1963 she visited the Soviet Union again, this time to represent Trinidad and Tobago at the World Congress of Women. Finally, in 1964, she went to Japan as a delegate to the 10th World Conference against Hydrogen and Atom Bombs, and to China as a guest of the China Peace Committee. This was a very fulfilling trip for her. At the Tokyo conference, she served as Vice Chair of the Drafting Committee, and proposed a resolution in support of liberation struggles in the third world.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p xxvi</ref> And in China she met the country's leader, Mao Zedong, as part of a Latin American delegation, and interviewed several leading women of the Chinese revolution, including Soon Ching Ling, who was Vice Chairman of the People's Republic of China and the widow of Sun Yat-Sen.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 226</ref> Another high point of her time in China was a visit to Yenan, the area in Northern China where the Communists had regrouped after their Long March, living ascetically among the peasants as "fish among water" and gradually building popular sympathy for their cause. The visit inspired another poem from Claudia, "Yenan – Cradle of the Revolution", which enthusiastically recounts the principles and achievements of the Chinese Communists in that era.
<blockquote style="font-size:100%; margin-left:3em">
The fight to win and 
Change the mind of Man 
Against the corruption of centuries 
Of feudal-bourgeois, capitalist ideas 
The fusion of courage and clarity 
Of polemic against misleaders
</blockquote>
Back in London, Claudia wrote about her meeting with Soon Ching Ling in what would be one of her last pieces for the ''West Indian Gazette and Afro-Asian Caribbean News'': "First Lady of the World: I Talk with Mme Sun Yat-Sen" (November 1964). The article describes some of the considerable social and economic achievements that had been made in China in the 15 years since the Revolution, including the People's Communes, which Claudia and Soon Ching Ling had discussed at length.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 226</ref>

Claudia Jones died in London in December 1964. Governments and progressive groups around the world sent messages and made diplomatic representations, including those by Raymond Kunene of the African National Congress and ambassador H.E.L. Khefila of the Democratic Republic of Algeria, both of whom officiated at her Memorial service at Saint Pancras Town Hall on February 27, 1965. She was cremated and her ashes buried in Highgate Cemetary beside the grave of Karl Marx. In 1984 a headstone was erected there, inscribed with her dates of birth and passing, and the words:
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
Valiant fighter against racism and imperialism who dedicated her life to the progress of socialism and the liberation of her own black people
</blockquote>

==Name and nativity==
[[File:Claudia Jones.jpg| thumb| 241px | Claudia in her forties]]
Claudia was born in Belmont, and grew up in Woodbrook, Port-of-Spain. Her mother was Sybil (Minnie Magdalene) Cumberbatch (née Logan) and her father was Bertrand Cumberbatch. Claudia's original name was Claudia Vera Cumberbatch. She started using the last name Jones in her late teens or early twenties, likely as a way to shield her identity from state agents and others opposed to her activism. Her parents emigrated to the United States two years before she did; she, along with sisters Lindsay, Irene, and Sylvia, and aunt Alice Glasgow, joined them in February 1925 in New York.

The following little piece of material from William J Maxwell's book ''New Negro, Old Left'' describes some of the culture and ideas in the Harlem of Claudia's youth:
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
"Concurrent with the nationalization of African America in the early twentieth century grew an internationalizing imagining of blackness, institutionalized in the United States by the Pan-Africanism of W.E.B. Du Bois, one founder of the nationalized NAACP, and by Marcus Garvey's immensely popular Universal Negro Improvement Association, or UNIA (accent on the `Universal'). Many of this imagining's eminent architects, including Garvey himself, were Caribbean newcomers to Harlem, the `Negro Metropolis' that absorbed about two-thirds of those who doubled the nation's immigrant black population between 1900 and 1910. Schooled under English, French, Dutch, or Spanish colonialisms, thrown together in the packed black city within a city, migratory black intellectuals clashed over much but jointly regarded the oppression of blacks as a transnational ill requiring transnational remedies. — Pp 20-1.
</blockquote>

==CPUSA==
(This section is to describe her CPUSA period.)
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
Although she held ranking positions within the Communist Left, Jones maintained close connections to the grass roots. She regularly spoke and canvassed on Harlem street corners. In addition, she came to know black communist leaders in the Southern Negro Youth Congress (SNYC). These included Esther Coooper, James Jackson, Dorothy Burnam, Louis Burnham, Augusta Jackson, and Ed Strong.
</blockquote>

==Other works==
* Ajamu Nangwaya, 2016. "Claudia Jones: Unknown Pan-Africanist, Feminist, and Communist". [http://www.telesurtv.net/english/opinion/Claudia-Jones-Unknown-Pan-Africanist-Feminist-and-Communist--20160210-0020.html Telesur]   [http://www.pambazuka.net/en/category.php/features/96746 Pambazuka]
* Carole Boyce Davies, 2008. ''Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones''
* William J Maxwell, 1999. ''New Negro, Old Left''

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:Black left feminism]] [[Category:Communist Party USA]]

Claudia Jones

2023-08-13T19:02:39Z

RedPowerBall: Linking CPUSA, updating formatting

'''Claudia Jones''' was a feminist, Black-liberationist intellectual and organiser for the [[Communist Party of the United States of America|Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA)]], and for this she was deported from the USA to England under the [[Smith Act]] for advocating communism. Claudia was founder of the ''West Indian Gazette'' newspaper and the Caribbean Carnival in London, England.

[[File:Claudia vera f4.png| thumb | 200px| Claudia on the cover of ''Young Communist Review'', 1938]]
Claudia was born in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad on February 21, 1915. At age 8 she emigrated with her family to the United States, where her mother worked in the garment industry and her father as a journalist, likely for the ''West Indian American'' in Harlem, New York City.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 92</ref>
Her experience of racism in the United States, as well as her mother's early death from spinal meningitis at age 37, while Claudia was still in her late teens, and which Claudia attributed to overwork and the poor conditions of life as an immigrant garment worker, motivated Claudia into political activism. In 1935 and 1936 she was writing a column, "Claudia's Comments" for a Black newspaper, editing a youth paper, organizing against the legal persecution of the Scottsboro Boys, and attending Harlem rallies. In 1936 she joined the Communist Party of the United States of America and its Young Communist League. Her rise within the Party was steady and by the late 1940s she was its major theoretician on women's issues and a member of its National Committee. In "Half the World", her regular Sunday column in the CPUSA newspaper, ''Daily Worker'', as well as in other writings for the Party, she formulated radical Black feminist positions which helped guide a small feminist vanguard in her day and which would be echoed by later generations of feminists, especially Black feminists, in the 1960s and 1970s. Among her contributions were an exploration, along with other Black leftists like Maude White and Louise Thompson Patterson, of the [[Intersectionality| intersections]] between race, class, and gender which placed Black American women under what CPUSA publications called a "triple burden" or "triple oppression" on account of their simultaneous occupation of three subaltern positions: female, racial minority, and working class. The circumstances of this group and their corresponding economic "super-exploitation" made them, in Claudia's view, a key population in the anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist struggle; and among her Party comrades she consistently advocated the importance of the Black woman to their project:
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
Who more than the Negro woman, the most exploited and oppressed, belongs in our Party? To win the Negro women for full participation ... to bring her militancy ... to even greater heights in the current and future struggles against Wall Street imperialism, progressives must acquire political consciousness as regards her special oppressed status.<ref>"An End to the Neglect of the Problems of Negro Women", pp 41-2, quoted in Carole Boyce Davies, p 40.</ref>
</blockquote>
Another of Claudia's contributions, perhaps facilitated by her early experience of racialisation as well as her immersion within the [[Harlem renaissance]] of the 1920s, was her presentation of an expanded conception of United States race relations; she easily transcended blinkered, local, or parochial formulations of Black women's issues and instead was able to situate them within international race relations, imperialism, and the global division of labour. Her biographer Carole Boyce Davies describes her as an early formulator of an anti-imperialist, transnational feminism.<ref>Page 56</ref>

Claudia's internationalist orientation developed even further after her expulsion from the United States. By 1942 if not before, she was under "aggressive surveillance"<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p xxiv</ref> by the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) because of her prominence within the Communist Party. In January 1948 she suffered her first arrest and a brief imprisonment on Ellis Island under the 1918 Immigration Act. Deportation proceedings were begun against her. In October 1950 she was arrested again and imprisoned at Ellis Island and the New York City Women's Prison, this time under the Internal Security Act of 1950 (McCarran Act) which is directed against, among others, "(G) Aliens who write or publish, or cause to be written or published, or who knowingly circulate, distribute, print, or display, or knowingly have in their possession for the purpose of circulation, publication, or display, any written or printed matter, advocating or teaching opposition to all organized government, or advocating (I) the overthrow by force or violence or other unconstitutional means the Government of the United States ... or (v) the economic, international and governmental doctrine of world communism...."<ref>Pub. L. No. 831, Chap.
1024, p. 1002; quoted in Carole Boyce Davies, p 141.
</ref>
She made bail after about a month, but a deportation order was served on her. Claudia had applied for US citizenship when she was 23 and again during her 7 year marriage to US citizen Abraham Scholnik, but her applications, after years of delay, had been denied;<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 147</ref> she was thus always even more vulnerable to legal persecution than other American progressives. In June 1951 she was again arrested, this time under the Alien Registration Act of 1940 (Smith Act), along with 16 other CPUSA members. She made bail ($20,000) after about a month but in January 1953 was convicted and sentenced to a year and a day. Around this time she began suffering from hypertensive cardiovascular disease and was hospitalized after a heart attack. She began serving her sentence in January 1955 at the Women's Penitentiary in Alderson, West Virginia, was released early for "good behaviour" in October, but ordered deported on December 5th. On December 9th she boarded the ''Queen Elizabeth'', seen off by more than 50 people including her father and her sister, bound for London, England to attempt, at age 40, to put down new roots and resume a free life.

In England she was welcomed by friends, including earlier communist deportees from the United States, and members of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). She was quickly admitted into the CPGB, but never achieved the status within that party that she had enjoyed in the CPUSA, possibly because her internationalist positions could be regarded as too close to a Mao Zedong-type line, which was not compatible with the position of the CPGB's top leaders. Carole Boyce Davies believes also that sexism and racism within the British left and the Party hindered her rise. Claudia's years in Great Britain are noteable mainly for activities outside the Party in the West Indian, African, and Asian immigrant communities in London. In 1957 she founded the ''West Indian Gazette'' (later the ''West Indian Gazette and Afro-Asian Caribbean News''), a paper in which she and her romantic and political partner of the period, Abhimanyu Manchanda, invested much energy over the next several years. Filling a void left by the demise of the Caribbean Labour Congress's ''Caribbean News'' in 1957, the ''Gazette'' was the most influential and perhaps only Caribbean newspaper in London during its period of operation. Published weekly, the ''Gazette'' in its heyday was a complete newspaper with film and book reviews, sports news, popular information, major political news and analyses, and an editorial page.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 87</ref>
Its editorial stance was anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist, and it took up the cause of the then-proposed West Indian Federation as a step toward full independence for the Caribbean colonies. It provided a forum for the views of West Indian intellectuals, informed the Black community about upcoming cultural events and performances by West Indian artists, and helped the colonial immigrants in London cohere into a self-conscious and self-respecting community.<ref>The ''West Indian Gazette'' "was meant to be a primary information organ for the Caribbean community and to serve the role of political educator for a community that was beleaguered, scattered, uninformed, and subject to racial oppression, including racial violence" (Carole Boyce Davies, p 172).</ref>

In 1958 Claudia organised the first Caribbean Carnival in London. Inspired by the outdoor Carnivals with music, dancing, and costumes that had been held for many years in the West Indies, the London Carnival was intended to provide the immigrant community a heart warming and unifying celebratory occasion, as well as an opportunity for friendly and positive engagement with their white neighbours. These things were much needed at that moment because the Notting Hill race riots, which shocked and disoriented the West-Indian-Afro-Asian community in London, had just occurred. The London Carnival became a yearly event, held initially indoors with occasional outdoor forays, because it was timed to coincide with the Trinidadian Carnival and thus took place in winter.
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
Essential elements in the first London Caribbean Carnivals included masqueraders, steelband musicians (Trinidad All Stars, Dixielanders), live brass bands, calypsonians (Mighty Terror, Sparrow, and Lord Kitchener).

Another important element of the carnival was the carnival queen competition, and the crowning of the carnival queen. There were also Caribbean dance companies such as Boscoe Holder and Troupe, bongo dancers, tambour bamboo, limbo dancing, and a "jump-up." The carnivals were recorded by the BBC and transmitted to the Caribbean, and televised coverage still marks carnival celebrations in the Caribbean. Photographs reveal huge dancing crowds of attendees. (Carole Boyce Davies, p 180.)

</blockquote>
In 1965, the regular Carnival did not occur, because of Claudia's death in December 1964, but that summer, Carnival activities took place in the streets and became the Notting Hill Carnival which continues to this day, attracting more than a million people annually, and claiming to be the biggest street festival of popular culture in Europe.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 180</ref>

Claudia believed that economics, politics, and culture are inextricably linked.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 174</ref>
She had conflict with some in the CPGB and other leftists over the idea that things such as carnival, dances, and beauty pageants were relevant to political work.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 175</ref> According to Carole Boyce Davies, Claudia Jones "determined that culture, as a series of normative practices, was an important tool in the community's development as in larger political and economic struggles as a whole" (p 175). Regarding the Carnival, Carole adds that:
<blockquote style="font-size:100%; background-color:orange; color:#783056; padding:0.6em">
Still within the context of Marxism-Leninism, therefore, Jones was drawn to those aspects of culture that lent themselves to community joy and social transcendence of the given conditions of people's experience, that is, their material culture. Thus putting in place the celebratory, in this case, was an act of cultural affirmation. — P 175.
</blockquote>

Although her level of activity remained high during her years in England, Claudia's health was by this time not entirely robust. Some of the problems that had begun during her ordeal in the US justice system lingered, and it should also be noted that she had been diagnosed with tuberculosis when she was 19 and committed at that time to a sanatorium for almost a year because of it.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p xxiii</ref> In 1956 she was hospitalized in London for three months.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p xxvi</ref>

Despite these problems and her work load, Claudia was able to make three interesting trips abroad during the last years of her life. In 1962 she visited the Soviet Union on an invitation from the women's magazine, ''Soviet Women''.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 223.</ref> She toured Leningrad, Moscow, and Sevastapol, studying developments in health care and visiting a school. She spent some time as a patient at Rossia Sanatorium in Yalta, Crimea, during this trip. Two of her poems, "Storm at Sea", and "Paean to Crimea", were written at the sanatorium. She returned to London on November 21, and described her trip in glowing terms for the ''West Indian Gazette'' in December:
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
I wanted to see for myself the first Land of Socialism; to meet its people, to see for myself the growth of its society, its culture, its technological and scientific advance. I was curious to see a land which I already knew abhorred racial discrimination to the extent of making it a legal crime and where the equality of all people is a recognized axiom.
</blockquote>
In 1963 she visited the Soviet Union again, this time to represent Trinidad and Tobago at the World Congress of Women. Finally, in 1964, she went to Japan as a delegate to the 10th World Conference against Hydrogen and Atom Bombs, and to China as a guest of the China Peace Committee. This was a very fulfilling trip for her. At the Tokyo conference, she served as Vice Chair of the Drafting Committee, and proposed a resolution in support of liberation struggles in the third world.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p xxvi</ref> And in China she met the country's leader, Mao Zedong, as part of a Latin American delegation, and interviewed several leading women of the Chinese revolution, including Soon Ching Ling, who was Vice Chairman of the People's Republic of China and the widow of Sun Yat-Sen.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 226</ref> Another high point of her time in China was a visit to Yenan, the area in Northern China where the Communists had regrouped after their Long March, living ascetically among the peasants as "fish among water" and gradually building popular sympathy for their cause. The visit inspired another poem from Claudia, "Yenan – Cradle of the Revolution", which enthusiastically recounts the principles and achievements of the Chinese Communists in that era.
<blockquote style="font-size:100%; margin-left:3em">
The fight to win and 
Change the mind of Man 
Against the corruption of centuries 
Of feudal-bourgeois, capitalist ideas 
The fusion of courage and clarity 
Of polemic against misleaders
</blockquote>
Back in London, Claudia wrote about her meeting with Soon Ching Ling in what would be one of her last pieces for the ''West Indian Gazette and Afro-Asian Caribbean News'': "First Lady of the World: I Talk with Mme Sun Yat-Sen" (November 1964). The article describes some of the considerable social and economic achievements that had been made in China in the 15 years since the Revolution, including the People's Communes, which Claudia and Soon Ching Ling had discussed at length.<ref>Carole Boyce Davies, p 226</ref>

Claudia Jones died in London in December 1964. Governments and progressive groups around the world sent messages and made diplomatic representations, including those by Raymond Kunene of the African National Congress and ambassador H.E.L. Khefila of the Democratic Republic of Algeria, both of whom officiated at her Memorial service at Saint Pancras Town Hall on February 27, 1965. She was cremated and her ashes buried in Highgate Cemetary beside the grave of Karl Marx. In 1984 a headstone was erected there, inscribed with her dates of birth and passing, and the words:
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
Valiant fighter against racism and imperialism who dedicated her life to the progress of socialism and the liberation of her own black people
</blockquote>

==Name and nativity==
[[File:Claudia Jones.jpg| thumb| 241px | Claudia in her forties]]
Claudia was born in Belmont, and grew up in Woodbrook, Port-of-Spain. Her mother was Sybil (Minnie Magdalene) Cumberbatch (née Logan) and her father was Bertrand Cumberbatch. Claudia's original name was Claudia Vera Cumberbatch. She started using the last name Jones in her late teens or early twenties, likely as a way to shield her identity from state agents and others opposed to her activism. Her parents emigrated to the United States two years before she did; she, along with sisters Lindsay, Irene, and Sylvia, and aunt Alice Glasgow, joined them in February 1925 in New York.

The following little piece of material from William J Maxwell's book ''New Negro, Old Left'' describes some of the culture and ideas in the Harlem of Claudia's youth:
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
"Concurrent with the nationalization of African America in the early twentieth century grew an internationalizing imagining of blackness, institutionalized in the United States by the Pan-Africanism of W.E.B. Du Bois, one founder of the nationalized NAACP, and by Marcus Garvey's immensely popular Universal Negro Improvement Association, or UNIA (accent on the `Universal'). Many of this imagining's eminent architects, including Garvey himself, were Caribbean newcomers to Harlem, the `Negro Metropolis' that absorbed about two-thirds of those who doubled the nation's immigrant black population between 1900 and 1910. Schooled under English, French, Dutch, or Spanish colonialisms, thrown together in the packed black city within a city, migratory black intellectuals clashed over much but jointly regarded the oppression of blacks as a transnational ill requiring transnational remedies. — Pp 20-1.
</blockquote>

==CPUSA==
(This section is to describe her CPUSA period.)
<blockquote style="font-size:100%">
Although she held ranking positions within the Communist Left, Jones maintained close connections to the grass roots. She regularly spoke and canvassed on Harlem street corners. In addition, she came to know black communist leaders in the Southern Negro Youth Congress (SNYC). These included Esther Coooper, James Jackson, Dorothy Burnam, Louis Burnham, Augusta Jackson, and Ed Strong.
</blockquote>

==Other works==
* Ajamu Nangwaya, 2016. "Claudia Jones: Unknown Pan-Africanist, Feminist, and Communist". [http://www.telesurtv.net/english/opinion/Claudia-Jones-Unknown-Pan-Africanist-Feminist-and-Communist--20160210-0020.html Telesur]   [http://www.pambazuka.net/en/category.php/features/96746 Pambazuka]
* Carole Boyce Davies, 2008. ''Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones''
* William J Maxwell, 1999. ''New Negro, Old Left''

==Notes==
<references/>

[[Category:Black left feminism]] [[Category:Communist Party USA]]

Maude White Katz

2023-08-13T18:52:36Z

RedPowerBall: Updating formatting

{{Infobox politician|name=Maude White Katz|birth_date=1908|death_date=1985|nationality=Statesian|image=Maude white katz.jpg|birth_place=McKeesport, [[Pennsylvania]], [[United States of America|United States]]}}

'''Maude White Katz''' (1908 - 1985)<ref>Burden-Stelly, Charisse; Dean, Jodi (2022). ''Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing''. ISBN 978-1-83976-497-4</ref> was a [[Pennsylvania]]-born [[communist]] activist for the [[Communist Party USA]]. Katz's work gave the party much needed insight into the Black working class and their labor conditions. Katz herself was from a working-class family. During her time with the CPUSA, she was assigned to several unions during her time with the party. Her input and organizational skills were instrumental to the Party's ability to reach out and organize for the Black working class. Her critiques gave rise to internal campaigns against white chauvinism.<ref name="katz-interview">Tamiment Library - Interviewer: Ruth F. Prago - Maude White Katz 1 (OHAL) - [https://soundcloud.com/user-488941364/sets/maude-white-katz-ohal Link]</ref> Her party organizing spanned many years over several states and included union organizing and demonstrations.

Party leaders saw Katz as a leader in organizing early on, and she was selected by the party to go to the USSR for three years at the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East|Communist University of the Toilers of the East.]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle">Hribar. (2013). Radical Women in the Struggle: A Review of Recent Literature on the Civil Rights and Black Freedom Movements. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 29(2), 95. doi:10.2979/jfemistudreli.29.2.95 </ref>

== Biography ==

=== Early Life ===
Maude Katz’s parents and grandparents were originally from Virginia.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Her father worked in the mines after moving to Pennsylvania, then shifted to general construction work, laying pipe, and cleaning outhouses. This hard work for little pay led Katz’s father to drink, causing issues in the family. Her mother did laundry and other types of work for white families.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Growing up, Katz had 14 brothers and sisters. She was the middle child of all the other children.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== McKeesport, Pennsylvania ====
Katz went to school in [[McKeesport, Pennsylvania]].<ref name="katz-interview" /> While in school, she was a domestic worker for white families and taught on the side.

Katz was first introduced to radical political ideas in McKeesport, PA from a [[communist]] high school English teacher.<ref name="katz-interview" /> This teacher gave Katz books to read and introduced her to other communists. Her teacher also took her to meetings in Pittsburgh, where speakers would speak against the oppression of Black people.

=== Life in Chicago, Illinois ===
Katz initially lived with her sister in Chicago, who had an apartment in the city. Katz worked as a domestic laborer in Chicago. Outside of working hours, she would engage in communist party activities, such as handing out leaflets and speaking at open air meetings.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz was elected to go to the [[Soviet Union]] under an exchange program offering scholarships for travel even though she had been a member of the Communist party for less than a year.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in the USSR ===
Katz's was able to get a university education and also travel during her three year<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> stay at the [[Soviet Union]]. She attended the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> with other anti-imperialists from across the world, including [[Harry Haywood|Harry Haywood.]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz's studies included [[Marxism-Leninism]], history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the [[National Question]], and [[Imperialism]].<ref name="katz-interview" /><ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> She also sat in on official discussions around “The Negro Question” in the U.S. regarding self-determination of Black people in the states.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in New York ===

==== Return from Moscow ====
Katz returned from the Soviet Union in 1930 and picked back up party work for the [[CPUSA]]. She wrote articles and organized/took part in demonstrations.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Needle Trades Industrial Union ====
Katz career as a lead member of the Needle Trades Industrial Union started after being assigned to a leadership position by the Communist Party. Her main job in the union was to organize Black workers.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz solidified her political position on "white chauvinism" both in and out of the party during her time in the Needle Trades Industrial Union. This was one of the positions that her and [[Ben Gold]]<ref name="katz-interview" /> took to the Communist Party USA politiburo to discuss.

As a result of the politburo meeting, party campaigns against white chauvinism were introduced as well as a call for unity for Black and white workers. The [[Yokinen Show Trial]] was also created from this meeting.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Trade Union Unity League ====
Katz worked with [[William Z. Foster]] in the Trade Union Unity League.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== The Harlem Liberator ====
Katz served as the Editor of ''The Harlem Liberator''<ref>{{cite book|last1=Gore|first1=Dayo|title=Radicalism at the Crossroads: African American Women Activists in the Cold War|date=2011|publisher=New York University Press|location=New York and London|isbn=9780814732366|page=25}}Gore, Dayo (2011). ''Radicalism at the crossroads: African American Women Activists in the Cold War''. New York and London: New York University Press. p. 25. ISBN 9780814732366</ref>, which was an official organ of the [[League of Struggle for Negro Rights|League of Struggle for Negro Rights.]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

== References ==

Maude White Katz

2023-08-13T18:50:01Z

RedPowerBall: Updated references

{{Infobox politician|name=Maude White Katz|birth_date=1908|death_date=1985|nationality=Statesian|image=Maude white katz.jpg|birth_place=McKeesport, [[Pennsylvania]], [[United States of America|United States]]}}

'''Maude White Katz''' (1908 - 1985)<ref>Burden-Stelly, Charisse; Dean, Jodi (2022). ''Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing''. ISBN 978-1-83976-497-4</ref> was a [[Pennsylvania]]-born [[communist]] activist for the [[Communist Party USA]]. Katz's work gave the party much needed insight into the Black working class and their labor conditions. Katz herself was a worker from a working-class family, and the CPUSA assigned her to several unions during her time with the party. Her input and organizational skills were instrumental to the Party's ability to reach out and organize for the Black working class. Her critiques of the Party gave rise to internal campaigns against white chauvinism.<ref name="katz-interview">Tamiment Library - Interviewer: Ruth F. Prago - Maude White Katz 1 (OHAL) - [https://soundcloud.com/user-488941364/sets/maude-white-katz-ohal Link]</ref> Her party organizing spanned many years over several states and included union organizing and demonstrations.

Party leaders saw Katz as a leader in organizing early on, and she was selected by the party to go to the USSR for three years at the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East|Communist University of the Toilers of the East.]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle">Hribar. (2013). Radical Women in the Struggle: A Review of Recent Literature on the Civil Rights and Black Freedom Movements. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 29(2), 95. doi:10.2979/jfemistudreli.29.2.95 </ref>

== Biography ==

=== Early Life ===
Maude Katz’s parents and grandparents were originally from Virginia.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Her father worked in the mines after moving to Pennsylvania, then shifted to general construction work, laying pipe, and cleaning outhouses. This hard work for little pay led Katz’s father to drink, causing issues in the family. Her mother did laundry and other types of work for white families.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Growing up, Katz had 14 brothers and sisters. She was the middle child of all the other children.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== McKeesport, Pennsylvania ====
Katz went to school in [[McKeesport, Pennsylvania]].<ref name="katz-interview" /> While in school, she was a domestic worker for white families and taught on the side.

Katz was first introduced to radical political ideas in McKeesport, PA from a [[communist]] high school English teacher.<ref name="katz-interview" /> This teacher gave Katz books to read and introduced her to other communists. Her teacher also took her to meetings in Pittsburgh, where speakers would speak against the oppression of Black people.

=== Life in Chicago, Illinois ===
Katz initially lived with her sister in Chicago, who had an apartment in the city. Katz worked as a domestic laborer in Chicago. Outside of working hours, she would engage in communist party activities, such as handing out leaflets and speaking at open air meetings.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz was elected to go to the [[Soviet Union]] under an exchange program offering scholarships for travel even though she had been a member of the Communist party for less than a year.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in the USSR ===
Katz's was able to get a university education and also travel during her three year<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> stay at the [[Soviet Union]]. She attended the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> with other anti-imperialists from across the world, including [[Harry Haywood|Harry Haywood.]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz's studies included [[Marxism-Leninism]], history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the [[National Question]], and [[Imperialism]].<ref name="katz-interview" /><ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> She also sat in on official discussions around “The Negro Question” in the U.S. regarding self-determination of Black people in the states.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in New York ===

==== Return from Moscow ====
Katz returned from the Soviet Union in 1930 and picked back up party work for the [[CPUSA]]. She wrote articles and organized/took part in demonstrations.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Needle Trades Industrial Union ====
Katz career as a lead member of the Needle Trades Industrial Union started after being assigned to a leadership position by the Communist Party. Her main job in the union was to organize Black workers.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz solidified her political position on "white chauvinism" both in and out of the party during her time in the Needle Trades Industrial Union. This was one of the positions that her and [[Ben Gold]]<ref name="katz-interview" /> took to the Communist Party USA politiburo to discuss.

As a result of the politburo meeting, party campaigns against white chauvinism were introduced as well as a call for unity for Black and white workers. The [[Yokinen Show Trial]] was also created from this meeting.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Trade Union Unity League ====
Katz worked with [[William Z. Foster]] in the Trade Union Unity League.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== The Harlem Liberator ====
Katz served as the Editor of ''The Harlem Liberator''<ref>{{cite book|last1=Gore|first1=Dayo|title=Radicalism at the Crossroads: African American Women Activists in the Cold War|date=2011|publisher=New York University Press|location=New York and London|isbn=9780814732366|page=25}}Gore, Dayo (2011). ''Radicalism at the crossroads: African American Women Activists in the Cold War''. New York and London: New York University Press. p. 25. ISBN 9780814732366</ref>, which was an official organ of the [[League of Struggle for Negro Rights|League of Struggle for Negro Rights.]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

== References ==

Maude White Katz

2023-08-13T18:44:53Z

RedPowerBall: Adding Maude White Katz image

{{Infobox politician|name=Maude White Katz|birth_date=1908|death_date=1985|nationality=Statesian|image=Maude white katz.jpg|birth_place=McKeesport, [[Pennsylvania]], [[United States of America|United States]]}}

'''Maude White Katz''' (1908 - 1985)<ref>{{cite book|last1=Burden-Stelly|first1=Charisse|last2=Dean|first2=Jodi|title=Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing|date=2022|publisher=erso|isbn=978-1-83976-497-4|page=322}}</ref> was a [[Pennsylvania]]-born [[communist]] activist for the [[Communist Party USA]]. Katz's work gave the party much needed insight into the Black working class and their labor conditions. Katz herself was a worker from a working-class family, and the CPUSA assigned her to several unions during her time with the party. Her input and organizational skills were instrumental to the Party's ability to reach out and organize for the Black working class. Her critiques of the Party gave rise to internal campaigns against white chauvinism.<ref name="katz-interview">Tamiment Library - Interviewer: Ruth F. Prago - Maude White Katz 1 (OHAL) - [https://soundcloud.com/user-488941364/sets/maude-white-katz-ohal Link]</ref> Her party organizing spanned many years over several states and included union organizing and demonstrations.

Party leaders saw Katz as a leader in organizing early on, and she was selected by the party to go to the USSR for three years at the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East|Communist University of the Toilers of the East.]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle">Hribar. (2013). Radical Women in the Struggle: A Review of Recent Literature on the Civil Rights and Black Freedom Movements. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 29(2), 95. doi:10.2979/jfemistudreli.29.2.95 </ref>

== Biography ==

=== Early Life ===
Maude Katz’s parents and grandparents were originally from Virginia.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Her father worked in the mines after moving to Pennsylvania, then shifted to general construction work, laying pipe, and cleaning outhouses. This hard work for little pay led Katz’s father to drink, causing issues in the family. Her mother did laundry and other types of work for white families.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Growing up, Katz had 14 brothers and sisters. She was the middle child of all the other children.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== McKeesport, Pennsylvania ====
Katz went to school in [[McKeesport, Pennsylvania]].<ref name="katz-interview" /> While in school, she was a domestic worker for white families and taught on the side.

Katz was first introduced to radical political ideas in McKeesport, PA from a [[communist]] high school English teacher.<ref name="katz-interview" /> This teacher gave Katz books to read and introduced her to other communists. Her teacher also took her to meetings in Pittsburgh, where speakers would speak against the oppression of Black people.

=== Life in Chicago, Illinois ===
Katz initially lived with her sister in Chicago, who had an apartment in the city. Katz worked as a domestic laborer in Chicago. Outside of working hours, she would engage in communist party activities, such as handing out leaflets and speaking at open air meetings.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz was elected to go to the [[Soviet Union]] under an exchange program offering scholarships for travel even though she had been a member of the Communist party for less than a year.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in the USSR ===
Katz's was able to get a university education and also travel during her three year<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> stay at the [[Soviet Union]]. She attended the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> with other anti-imperialists from across the world, including [[Harry Haywood|Harry Haywood.]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz's studies included [[Marxism-Leninism]], history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the [[National Question]], and [[Imperialism]].<ref name="katz-interview" /><ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> She also sat in on official discussions around “The Negro Question” in the U.S. regarding self-determination of Black people in the states.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in New York ===

==== Return from Moscow ====
Katz returned from the Soviet Union in 1930 and picked back up party work for the [[CPUSA]]. She wrote articles and organized/took part in demonstrations.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Needle Trades Industrial Union ====
Katz career as a lead member of the Needle Trades Industrial Union started after being assigned to a leadership position by the Communist Party. Her main job in the union was to organize Black workers.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz solidified her political position on "white chauvinism" both in and out of the party during her time in the Needle Trades Industrial Union. This was one of the positions that her and [[Ben Gold]]<ref name="katz-interview" /> took to the Communist Party USA politiburo to discuss.

As a result of the politburo meeting, party campaigns against white chauvinism were introduced as well as a call for unity for Black and white workers. The [[Yokinen Show Trial]] was also created from this meeting.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Trade Union Unity League ====
Katz worked with [[William Z. Foster]] in the Trade Union Unity League.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== The Harlem Liberator ====
Katz served as the Editor of ''The Harlem Liberator''<ref>{{cite book|last1=Gore|first1=Dayo|title=Radicalism at the Crossroads: African American Women Activists in the Cold War|date=2011|publisher=New York University Press|location=New York and London|isbn=9780814732366|page=25}}</ref>, which was an official organ of the [[League of Struggle for Negro Rights|League of Struggle for Negro Rights.]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

== References ==

Maude White Katz

2023-08-13T16:34:34Z

RedPowerBall: Removed period

{{Infobox politician|name=Maude White Katz|birth_date=1908|death_date=1985|nationality=Statesian|birth_place=McKeesport, [[Pennsylvania]], [[United States of America|United States]]}}

'''Maude White Katz''' (1908 - 1985)<ref>{{cite book|last1=Burden-Stelly|first1=Charisse|last2=Dean|first2=Jodi|title=Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing|date=2022|publisher=erso|isbn=978-1-83976-497-4|page=322}}</ref> was a [[Pennsylvania]]-born [[communist]] activist for the [[Communist Party USA]]. Katz's work gave the party much needed insight into the Black working class and their labor conditions. Katz herself was a worker from a working-class family, and the CPUSA assigned her to several unions during her time with the party. Her input and organizational skills were instrumental to the Party's ability to reach out and organize for the Black working class. Her critiques of the Party gave rise to internal campaigns against white chauvinism.<ref name="katz-interview">Tamiment Library - Interviewer: Ruth F. Prago - Maude White Katz 1 (OHAL) - [https://soundcloud.com/user-488941364/sets/maude-white-katz-ohal Link]</ref> Her party organizing spanned many years over several states and included union organizing and demonstrations.

Party leaders saw Katz as a leader in organizing early on, and she was selected by the party to go to the USSR for three years at the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East|Communist University of the Toilers of the East.]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle">Hribar. (2013). Radical Women in the Struggle: A Review of Recent Literature on the Civil Rights and Black Freedom Movements. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 29(2), 95. doi:10.2979/jfemistudreli.29.2.95 </ref>

== Biography ==

=== Early Life ===
Maude Katz’s parents and grandparents were originally from Virginia.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Her father worked in the mines after moving to Pennsylvania, then shifted to general construction work, laying pipe, and cleaning outhouses. This hard work for little pay led Katz’s father to drink, causing issues in the family. Her mother did laundry and other types of work for white families.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Growing up, Katz had 14 brothers and sisters. She was the middle child of all the other children.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== McKeesport, Pennsylvania ====
Katz went to school in [[McKeesport, Pennsylvania]].<ref name="katz-interview" /> While in school, she was a domestic worker for white families and taught on the side.

Katz was first introduced to radical political ideas in McKeesport, PA from a [[communist]] high school English teacher.<ref name="katz-interview" /> This teacher gave Katz books to read and introduced her to other communists. Her teacher also took her to meetings in Pittsburgh, where speakers would speak against the oppression of Black people.

=== Life in Chicago, Illinois ===
Katz initially lived with her sister in Chicago, who had an apartment in the city. Katz worked as a domestic laborer in Chicago. Outside of working hours, she would engage in communist party activities, such as handing out leaflets and speaking at open air meetings.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz was elected to go to the [[Soviet Union]] under an exchange program offering scholarships for travel even though she had been a member of the Communist party for less than a year.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in the USSR ===
Katz's was able to get a university education and also travel during her three year<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> stay at the [[Soviet Union]]. She attended the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> with other anti-imperialists from across the world, including [[Harry Haywood|Harry Haywood.]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz's studies included [[Marxism-Leninism]], history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the [[National Question]], and [[Imperialism]].<ref name="katz-interview" /><ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> She also sat in on official discussions around “The Negro Question” in the U.S. regarding self-determination of Black people in the states.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in New York ===

==== Return from Moscow ====
Katz returned from the Soviet Union in 1930 and picked back up party work for the [[CPUSA]]. She wrote articles and organized/took part in demonstrations.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Needle Trades Industrial Union ====
Katz career as a lead member of the Needle Trades Industrial Union started after being assigned to a leadership position by the Communist Party. Her main job in the union was to organize Black workers.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz solidified her political position on "white chauvinism" both in and out of the party during her time in the Needle Trades Industrial Union. This was one of the positions that her and [[Ben Gold]]<ref name="katz-interview" /> took to the Communist Party USA politiburo to discuss.

As a result of the politburo meeting, party campaigns against white chauvinism were introduced as well as a call for unity for Black and white workers. The [[Yokinen Show Trial]] was also created from this meeting.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Trade Union Unity League ====
Katz worked with [[William Z. Foster]] in the Trade Union Unity League.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== The Harlem Liberator ====
Katz served as the Editor of ''The Harlem Liberator''<ref>{{cite book|last1=Gore|first1=Dayo|title=Radicalism at the Crossroads: African American Women Activists in the Cold War|date=2011|publisher=New York University Press|location=New York and London|isbn=9780814732366|page=25}}</ref>, which was an official organ of the [[League of Struggle for Negro Rights|League of Struggle for Negro Rights.]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

== References ==

Maude White Katz

2023-08-13T16:32:00Z

RedPowerBall: Adding infobox

{{Infobox politician|name=Maude White Katz|birth_date=1908|death_date=1985|nationality=Statesian|birth_place=McKeesport, [[Pennsylvania]], [[United States of America|United States]]}}

'''Maude White Katz''' (1908 - 1985).<ref>{{cite book|last1=Burden-Stelly|first1=Charisse|last2=Dean|first2=Jodi|title=Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing|date=2022|publisher=erso|isbn=978-1-83976-497-4|page=322}}</ref> was a [[Pennsylvania]]-born [[communist]] activist for the [[Communist Party USA]]. Katz's work gave the party much needed insight into the Black working class and their labor conditions. Katz herself was a worker from a working-class family, and the CPUSA assigned her to several unions during her time with the party. Her input and organizational skills were instrumental to the Party's ability to reach out and organize for the Black working class. Her critiques of the Party gave rise to internal campaigns against white chauvinism.<ref name="katz-interview">Tamiment Library - Interviewer: Ruth F. Prago - Maude White Katz 1 (OHAL) - [https://soundcloud.com/user-488941364/sets/maude-white-katz-ohal Link]</ref> Her party organizing spanned many years over several states and included union organizing and demonstrations.

Party leaders saw Katz as a leader in organizing early on, and she was selected by the party to go to the USSR for three years at the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East|Communist University of the Toilers of the East.]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle">Hribar. (2013). Radical Women in the Struggle: A Review of Recent Literature on the Civil Rights and Black Freedom Movements. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 29(2), 95. doi:10.2979/jfemistudreli.29.2.95 </ref>

== Biography ==

=== Early Life ===
Maude Katz’s parents and grandparents were originally from Virginia.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Her father worked in the mines after moving to Pennsylvania, then shifted to general construction work, laying pipe, and cleaning outhouses. This hard work for little pay led Katz’s father to drink, causing issues in the family. Her mother did laundry and other types of work for white families.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Growing up, Katz had 14 brothers and sisters. She was the middle child of all the other children.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== McKeesport, Pennsylvania ====
Katz went to school in [[McKeesport, Pennsylvania]].<ref name="katz-interview" /> While in school, she was a domestic worker for white families and taught on the side.

Katz was first introduced to radical political ideas in McKeesport, PA from a [[communist]] high school English teacher.<ref name="katz-interview" /> This teacher gave Katz books to read and introduced her to other communists. Her teacher also took her to meetings in Pittsburgh, where speakers would speak against the oppression of Black people.

=== Life in Chicago, Illinois ===
Katz initially lived with her sister in Chicago, who had an apartment in the city. Katz worked as a domestic laborer in Chicago. Outside of working hours, she would engage in communist party activities, such as handing out leaflets and speaking at open air meetings.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz was elected to go to the [[Soviet Union]] under an exchange program offering scholarships for travel even though she had been a member of the Communist party for less than a year.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in the USSR ===
Katz's was able to get a university education and also travel during her three year<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> stay at the [[Soviet Union]]. She attended the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> with other anti-imperialists from across the world, including [[Harry Haywood|Harry Haywood.]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz's studies included [[Marxism-Leninism]], history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the [[National Question]], and [[Imperialism]].<ref name="katz-interview" /><ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> She also sat in on official discussions around “The Negro Question” in the U.S. regarding self-determination of Black people in the states.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in New York ===

==== Return from Moscow ====
Katz returned from the Soviet Union in 1930 and picked back up party work for the [[CPUSA]]. She wrote articles and organized/took part in demonstrations.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Needle Trades Industrial Union ====
Katz career as a lead member of the Needle Trades Industrial Union started after being assigned to a leadership position by the Communist Party. Her main job in the union was to organize Black workers.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz solidified her political position on "white chauvinism" both in and out of the party during her time in the Needle Trades Industrial Union. This was one of the positions that her and [[Ben Gold]]<ref name="katz-interview" /> took to the Communist Party USA politiburo to discuss.

As a result of the politburo meeting, party campaigns against white chauvinism were introduced as well as a call for unity for Black and white workers. The [[Yokinen Show Trial]] was also created from this meeting.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Trade Union Unity League ====
Katz worked with [[William Z. Foster]] in the Trade Union Unity League.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== The Harlem Liberator ====
Katz served as the Editor of ''The Harlem Liberator''<ref>{{cite book|last1=Gore|first1=Dayo|title=Radicalism at the Crossroads: African American Women Activists in the Cold War|date=2011|publisher=New York University Press|location=New York and London|isbn=9780814732366|page=25}}</ref>, which was an official organ of the [[League of Struggle for Negro Rights|League of Struggle for Negro Rights.]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

== References ==

Maude White Katz

2023-08-13T15:35:36Z

RedPowerBall: Adding in content to page

'''Maude White Katz''' (1908 - 1985).<ref>{{cite book|last1=Burden-Stelly|first1=Charisse|last2=Dean|first2=Jodi|title=Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing|date=2022|publisher=erso|isbn=978-1-83976-497-4|page=322}}</ref> was a [[Pennsylvania]]-born [[communist]] activist for the [[Communist Party USA]]. Katz's work gave the party much needed insight into the Black working class and their labor conditions. Katz herself was a worker from a working-class family, and the CPUSA assigned her to several unions during her time with the party. Her input and organizational skills were instrumental to the Party's ability to reach out and organize for the Black working class. Her critiques of the Party gave rise to internal campaigns against white chauvinism.<ref name="katz-interview">Tamiment Library - Interviewer: Ruth F. Prago - Maude White Katz 1 (OHAL) - [https://soundcloud.com/user-488941364/sets/maude-white-katz-ohal Link]</ref> Her party organizing spanned many years over several states and included union organizing and demonstrations.

Party leaders saw Katz as a leader in organizing early on, and she was selected by the party to go to the USSR for three years at the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle">Hribar. (2013). Radical Women in the Struggle: A Review of Recent Literature on the Civil Rights and Black Freedom Movements. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 29(2), 95. doi:10.2979/jfemistudreli.29.2.95 </ref>.

== Biography ==

=== Early Life ===
Maude Katz’s parents and grandparents were originally from Virginia.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Her father worked in the mines after moving to Pennsylvania, then shifted to general construction work, laying pipe, and cleaning outhouses. This hard work for little pay led Katz’s father to drink, causing issues in the family. Her mother did laundry and other types of work for white families.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Growing up, Katz had 14 brothers and sisters. She was the middle child of all the other children.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== McKeesport, Pennsylvania ====
Katz went to school in [[McKeesport, Pennsylvania]].<ref name="katz-interview" /> While in school, she was a domestic worker for white families and taught on the side.

Katz was first introduced to radical political ideas in McKeesport, PA from a [[communist]] high school English teacher.<ref name="katz-interview" /> This teacher gave Katz books to read and introduced her to other communists. Her teacher also took her to meetings in Pittsburgh, where speakers would speak against the oppression of Black people.

=== Life in Chicago, Illinois ===
Katz initially lived with her sister in Chicago, who had an apartment in the city. Katz worked as a domestic laborer in Chicago. Outside of working hours, she would engage in communist party activities, such as handing out leaflets and speaking at open air meetings.<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz was elected to go to the [[Soviet Union]] under an exchange program offering scholarships for travel even though she had been a member of the Communist party for less than a year.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in the USSR ===
Katz's was able to get a university education and also travel during her three year<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> stay at the [[Soviet Union]]. She attended the [[Communist University of the Toilers of the East]]<ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> with other anti-imperialists from across the world, including [[Harry Haywood]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

Katz's studies included [[Marxism-Leninism]], history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the [[National Question]], and [[Imperialism]].<ref name="katz-interview" /><ref name="radical-women-in-the-struggle" /> She also sat in on official discussions around “The Negro Question” in the U.S. regarding self-determination of Black people in the states.<ref name="katz-interview" />

=== Life in New York ===

==== Return from Moscow ====
Katz returned from the Soviet Union in 1930 and picked back up party work for the [[CPUSA]]. She wrote articles and organized/took part in demonstrations.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Needle Trades Industrial Union ====
Katz career as a lead member of the Needle Trades Industrial Union started after being assigned to a leadership position by the Communist Party. Her main job in the union was to organize Black workers.<ref name="katz-interview" />.

Katz solidified her political position on "white chauvinism" both in and out of the party during her time in the Needle Trades Industrial Union. This was one of the positions that her and [[Ben Gold]]<ref name="katz-interview" /> took to the Communist Party USA politiburo to discuss.

As a result of the politburo meeting, party campaigns against white chauvinism were introduced as well as a call for unity for Black and white workers. The [[Yokinen Show Trial]] was also created from this meeting<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== Trade Union Unity League ====
Katz worked with [[William Z. Foster]] in the Trade Union Unity League.<ref name="katz-interview" />

==== The Harlem Liberator ====
Katz served as the Editor of ''The Harlem Liberator''<ref>{{cite book|last1=Gore|first1=Dayo|title=Radicalism at the Crossroads: African American Women Activists in the Cold War|date=2011|publisher=New York University Press|location=New York and London|isbn=9780814732366|page=25}}</ref>, which was an official organ of the [[League of Struggle for Negro Rights]]<ref name="katz-interview" />

== References ==

Commodity fetishism

2023-08-11T05:12:28Z

RedPowerBall:

'''Commodity Fetishism''' is a theoretical concept first described by [[Karl Marx]] in [[Capital, vol. I]]. It expresses a specific character of the [[Commodity]] that occurs because of the ''value-form'' (i.e. price, exchange value, etc.) of a commodity applied on its production is seen as an inherent property of the commodity, instead of what is in reality human social relations. Further, because of this quality that is dialectically tied to the process of commodity production, the social relation created by the producers (i.e. workers) is transformed into a social relation between objects that is outside of the producers.

Commodity fetishism masks the labor relationships of producers under capitalism, especially those relationships in production and distribution. <blockquote>"...for a society based upon the production of commodities, in which the producers in general enter into social relations with one another by treating their products as commodities and values, whereby they reduce their individual private labour to the standard of homogeneous human labour – for such a society, Christianity with its ''cultus'' of abstract man, more especially in its bourgeois developments, Protestantism, Deism, &c., is the most fitting form of religion"<ref>https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm#S4</ref></blockquote>

== References ==

Commodity fetishism

2023-08-11T05:01:26Z

RedPowerBall: Adding references heading

'''Commodity Fetishism''' is a theoretical concept first described by [[Karl Marx]] in [[Capital, vol. I]]. It expresses a specific character of the [[Commodity]] that occurs because of the ''value-form'', or the price, of a commodity applied on its production is seen as an inherent quality of the commodity instead of simply as human labor relations. Further, because of this quality that is dialectically tied to the process of commodity production, the social relation created by the producers (i.e. workers) is transformed into a social relation between objects that is outside of the producers.

Commodity fetishism masks the labor relationships of producers under capitalism, especially those relationships in production and distribution. <blockquote>"...for a society based upon the production of commodities, in which the producers in general enter into social relations with one another by treating their products as commodities and values, whereby they reduce their individual private labour to the standard of homogeneous human labour – for such a society, Christianity with its ''cultus'' of abstract man, more especially in its bourgeois developments, Protestantism, Deism, &c., is the most fitting form of religion"<ref>https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm#S4</ref></blockquote>

== References ==

Commodity fetishism

2023-08-10T01:14:17Z

RedPowerBall: edits

'''Commodity Fetishism''' is a theoretical concept first described by [[Karl Marx]] in [[Capital, vol. I]]. It expresses a specific character of the [[Commodity]] that occurs because of the ''value-form'', or the price, of a commodity applied on its production is seen as an inherent quality of the commodity instead of simply as human labor relations. Further, because of this quality that is dialectically tied to the process of commodity production, the social relation created by the producers (i.e. workers) is transformed into a social relation between objects that is outside of the producers.

Commodity fetishism masks the labor relationships of producers under capitalism, especially those relationships in production and distribution. <blockquote>"...for a society based upon the production of commodities, in which the producers in general enter into social relations with one another by treating their products as commodities and values, whereby they reduce their individual private labour to the standard of homogeneous human labour – for such a society, Christianity with its ''cultus'' of abstract man, more especially in its bourgeois developments, Protestantism, Deism, &c., is the most fitting form of religion"<ref>https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm#S4</ref></blockquote>

Commodity fetishism

2023-08-02T07:17:36Z

RedPowerBall: Adding in basic definition to commodity fetishism as well as marx quote

'''Commodity Fetishism''' is a theoretical concept first described by [[Karl Marx]] in [[Capital, vol. I]]. It expresses a specific character of the [[Commodity]] that occurs because of the ''value-form'', or the price, of a commodity applied on its production is seen as an inherent quality of the commodity instead of simply as human labor relations. Further, because of this quality that is dialectically tied to the concept of production production, the social relation created by the producers (i.e. laborers) is transformed into a social relation between objects, and that this relationship is totally outside of the producers.

Commodity fetishism masks the labor relationships of producers under capitalism, especially those relationships in production and distribution. <blockquote>"...for a society based upon the production of commodities, in which the producers in general enter into social relations with one another by treating their products as commodities and values, whereby they reduce their individual private labour to the standard of homogeneous human labour – for such a society, Christianity with its ''cultus'' of abstract man, more especially in its bourgeois developments, Protestantism, Deism, &c., is the most fitting form of religion"<ref>https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm#S4</ref></blockquote>

Fidel Castro

2023-08-01T06:07:27Z

RedPowerBall: /* After the Revolution */ Grammar updates

{{Infobox revolutionary
| honorific_prefix = El Comandante
| name = Fidel Castro
| image = File:Fidel Castro High Res Image.png
| image_size = 230px
| image_upright =
| image_alt =
| caption = Portrait of comrade Fidel
| nationality = [[Cuba|Cuban]]
|political_party=[[Communist Party of Cuba]]| birth_name = Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz
| birth_date = {{Birth date|1926|08|13}}
| birth_place = Birán, [[Cuba]]
| death_date = {{Death date and age|2016|11|25|1926|08|13}}
| death_place = [[Havana]], Cuba
| political_line = [[Marxism–Leninism]] [[Anti-imperialism]]
|death_cause=Natural causes}}
'''Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz''' {{Datebio|birthday=13th|birthmonth=August|birthyear=1926|deathday=25th|deathmonth=November|deathyear=2016}} was a [[Republic of Cuba|Cuban]] [[Marxism–Leninism|Marxist–Leninist]] revolutionary and a leader of the [[Cuban Revolution]], alongside [[Che Guevara]], his brother [[Raúl Castro|Raúl]], and others. He served as Prime Minister of [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]] from 1959 to 1976 and President from 1976 to 2008. He also served as the First Secretary of the [[Communist Party of Cuba]] from 1965 until 2011.

A sympathizer of the Cuban People's Party (Orthodox), he actively participated in the party's campaigns and was one of the first to denounce the reactionary and illegitimate nature of the de facto regime established after the [[coup d'état]] by [[Fulgencio Batista]] on March 10, 1952.<ref>La Historia me absolverá. F.Castro Ruz...[et.al.] -Ediciones Colihue SRL, 1993. -p156. <nowiki>ISBN 9505818041</nowiki>.</ref>

He was imprisoned after the assaults on the Moncada barracks in Santiago de Cuba and the Carlos Manuel de Céspedes barracks in Bayamo, assuming his self-defense before the court that tried him, and pronouncing the plea known as "History Will Absolve Me", in which he outlined the program of the future Revolution in Cuba.<ref>{{Citation|author=Fidel Castro|year=1955|title=History will absolve me|title-url=https://en.prolewiki.org/wiki/Library:History_Will_Absolve_Me}}</ref>

Sentenced to 15 years in prison, he was amnestied in 1955 and went into exile in Mexico, from where he left with 81 other revolutionaries to disembark at Los Coyuelos on December 2, 1956. After several years of hard struggle, he entered victorious on January 1, 1959 in Santiago de Cuba and arrived in Havana on January 8.

On February 16, 1959, he was appointed Prime Minister of the Revolutionary Government. On December 2, 1976, he was elected President of the Councils of State and Ministers of the Republic of Cuba, a position he held until his resignation due to health problems on February 24, 2008.<ref>«Proclama del Comandante en Jefe al pueblo de Cuba» http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2006/esp/f310706e.html</ref>

In 1992, Castro warned that [[climate change]] was an existential threat to the human species<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=Qcostarica|title=Fidel Castro Warned Us Of Climate Change|date=2019-08-08|url=https://qcostarica.com/fidel-castro-warned-us-of-climate-change/}}</ref><blockquote>“An important biological species is at risk of disappearing due to the rapid and progressive liquidation of its natural living conditions: man”</blockquote>

== Life ==

=== Early Life ===
[[File:FidelCastro1929.jpg|thumb|Castro as a young child at the family home in 1929]]
Fidel Castro was born on August 13, 1926 in Birán in Oriente. His father was named Angel Castro Argíz and his mother was named Lina Ruz González. His father was a landowner.<ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Granma|newspaper=Granma|title=Fidel Castro Ruz|date=2019-11-01|url=https://en.granma.cu/hasta-la-victoria-siempre/2016-12-01/fidel-castro-ruz|retrieved=2023-07-09}}</ref>

Castro initially attended a rural public school and later attended the schools of La Salle and Dolores in Santiago de Cuba. While living in Santiago de Cuba, he began to play baseball. He started playing while attending Cuqui Bosch Pre-university Institute between 1939 and 1940. This had an effect on his life throughout his adulthood as he continued to enjoy the sport.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Sigfredo Barros Segrera|newspaper=Granma|title=Fidel and baseball|date=2017-11-07|url=https://en.granma.cu/deportes/2017-12-07/fidel-and-baseball|retrieved=2023-07-12}}</ref> He then went to Dolores College and later, in 1942, attended the Jesuit Belén school. He graduated in June of 1945.<ref name=":0" /><ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=teleSUR|title=Fidel Castro: 96 Years of a Symbol of Dignity and Emancipation|date=2022-08-13|url=https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Fidel-Castro-96-Years-of-a-Symbol-of-Dignity-and-Emancipation-20220813-0001.html|retrieved=2023-08-12}}</ref>

In September of 1945, he enrolled in the University of Havana to study Law, Social Sciences and Diplomatic Law. He joined many student groups while attending. These included the the Pro Puerto Rican Independence Committee, the Pro Democracy in the Dominican Republic Committee, the September 30 Committee, and the University Student Federation.<ref name=":0" />

During 1947, Castro signed up to fight against the [[Dominican]] dictator Rafael Leónidas Trujillo. Those involved were caught by the Cuban Navy with Castro escaping capture by jumping into the water.<ref name=":0" />

After becoming introduced to [[Marxism]], he traveled to [[Colombia]], [[Panama]], and [[Venezuela]] to start a Latin American Student Congress. While in Bogotá, he became involved in the civil war.<ref name=":0" />

He graduated in 1950 with a PhD in Civil Law and a bachelor's degree in Diplomatic Law.<ref name=":0" />

=== Pre-Granma Yacht Period ===
[[File:FidelYoungLawyer.jpg|thumb|Castro as a young lawyer in the early 1950s]]
On March 10, 1952, [[fascist]] Fulgencio Batista, with U.S.-backing, took control of the country, becoming a military dictator. Castro opposed him and along with 160 others attacked the the Moncada Garrisons in Bayamo and Santiago de Cuba on on July 26, 1953. Their revolt failed and Castro was sentenced to 15 years in prison. His defense he gave became known as the "History Will Absolve Me" speech.<ref name=":0" />

Due to pressure from the populace, Castro was released in May of 1955. Following this, he founded the [[26th of July Movement|26th of July Movement.]]<ref name=":0" />

In July of 1955, Castro left the country for Mexico to start a resistance group. While in Mexico, he and many other future leaders of the Cuban Revolution, like Raúl Castro, Che Guevara, [[Manuel Márquez]], [[Camilo Cienfuegos]], and [[Juan Almeida Bosque]], underwent training.<ref name=":0" />

Fidel Castro traveled to the [[United States of America]] during this time period and gathered support for his revolution in cities like Bridgeport, Miami, [[New York City]], Philadelphia, Tampa, and Union City.<ref name=":0" />

Some of the members of the 26th of July Movement in Mexico were caught and eventually released from prison. They lost some of their weapons to the police.<ref name=":0" />

=== Granma Yacht Expedition ===
After purchasing the Granma Yacht, they departed from Tuxpan, Mexico on November 25, 1956 with 82 soldiers on board. They arrived in Cuba on December 2, 1956 at Las Coloradas in southwestern Oriente.<ref name=":0" />

In the expedition, Castro was the Commander in Chief and lead the José Martí Column One.<ref name=":0" />

On December 5, 1956, the group was attacked by Batista's military in Alegría de Pío. Fidel and Raúl Castro reunited in Cinco Palmas. They then departed for the Sierra Maestra mountains.<ref name=":0" />

The expedition attacked the Plata Garrison and won against the army on January 17, 1957.<ref name=":0" />

The expedition ended on December 28, 1958 when the Batista army recognized the rebels' victory in Oriente. A coup against Castro was put down on January 1, 1959. Castro entered [[Havana]] on January 8, 1959.<ref name=":0" />

=== After the Revolution ===
[[File:Entrada-de-Fidel-a-La-Habana.jpg|thumb|Castro and the 26th of July Movement enter the streets of [[Havana]] on January 8, 1959]]
Castro became Prime Minister of the Revolutionary Government on February 13, 1959. In this position he lead a great deal of accomplishments. He led the Cuban victory against the US invaders during the [[Bay of Pigs invasion]]. He also successfully led the country through the 1962 October Crisis, also known as the [[Cuban Missile Crisis]].<ref name=":0" />

On April 16, 1961, Castro declared the Cuban Revolution to be [[socialist]] in nature. After this, he led the Integrated Revolutionary Organizations and the United Party of the Socialist Revolution of Cuba. He became the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba. He later became the President of Cuba's Councils of State and Ministers.<ref name=":0" /> On December 2, 1961, Castro declared himself a [[Marxism–Leninism|Marxist–Leninist]].

He was required, due to his declining health, to step down as the President of Cuba's Councils of State and Ministers in 2006 and stepped down as the First Party Secretary in 2011.<ref name=":0" />

==Failed Assassination Attempts==
The Cuban security services have documented after investigations over 600 attempts to murder Fidel Castro up until the year 2007.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Fabián Escalante|newspaper=Cuba Debate|title=Objetivo: Fidel|date=2016-07-25|url=http://www.cubadebate.cu/opinion/2016/07/25/objetivo-fidel/#.V6sgnycffEw|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221201064436/http://www.cubadebate.cu/opinion/2016/07/25/objetivo-fidel/|archive-date=2022-12-22|retrieved=2023-03-06}}</ref> These failed attempts by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], directly or indirectly, had many methods. Some of the many attempts included: Snipers, explosives placed in his shoes, explosives inside a baseball, and poison injected into a cigar.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=Cuba Debate|title=Fidel, la persona que más veces intentaron matar|date=2011-12-15|url=http://www.cubadebate.cu/noticias/2011/12/15/fidel-entra-en-el-libro-de-los-record-guinnes/#.V6sesScffEw|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210609182840/http://www.cubadebate.cu/noticias/2011/12/15/fidel-entra-en-el-libro-de-los-record-guinnes/|archive-date=2021-06-09|retrieved=2023-03-06}}</ref>

== Castro and his will regarding his memory ==
On December 27, 2016, the Law on the use of the name and figure of Fidel Castro Ruz in respect of his will, as expression of the political ethics that always accompanied him an expression of the humility and modesty that characterized him, and having always honored Marti's preaching that "all the glory of the world fits in a grain of corn", that his name will not be used to name institutions, squares, parks, avenues, streets and other public places, nor will monuments, busts, statues, commemorative plaques and other be erected in his memory.<ref>Parliament approves a law on the use of the name and figure of Fidel Castro Ruz http://www.cubadebate.cu/noticias/2016/12/27/presentan-proyecto-de-ley-sobre-el-uso-del-nombre-y-la-figura-del-companero-fidel-castro-ruz/#.WGPAXScffEw</ref>

==References==
<references />
[[Category:Revolutionaries]]
[[Category:Anti-imperialists]]
[[Category:Communist leaders]]
[[Category:Targets of intelligence operations]]

Wage

2023-07-17T04:30:25Z

RedPowerBall: Modified the page with more info

A '''Wage''' is a quantity of money paid for the purchase of a worker's [[labor-power]] over a standard [[work day]]. The capitalist-worker wage relationship is foundational to [[capitalism]] since it is how [[surplus value]] is created. Hence, the surplus value created is in the hands of the [[capitalist]] because of their purchase of the worker's labor-power.

== The Function Wages Serve in Bourgeois Society ==
It is not in the interests of the capitalist ruling class, the [[Bourgeoisie]], to tell workers how exploited they are. This is why Bourgeois society masks foundational relationships of capitalism; to hide the true form of things.

In his critique of political economy, [[Karl Marx]] exposed the misguided analysis of classic [[Political economy|political economists]] such as [[Adam Smith]] in their presentation of the relationships behind wages, stating that<blockquote>"What economists therefore call value of labour, is in fact the value of labour-power, as it exists in the personality of the labourer, which is as different from its function, labour, as a machine is from the work it performs"<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>Marx explains that economists use the concept of wages for a similar function; to mask the distinction between [[necessary labor]] and [[surplus labor]], which makes all labor appear to be paid labor<blockquote>"We see, further: The value of 3s. by which a part only of the working-day – i.e., 6 hours’ labour-is paid for, appears as the value or price of the whole working-day of 12 hours, which thus includes 6 hours unpaid for. The wage form thus extinguishes every trace of the division of the working-day into necessary labour and surplus-labour, into paid and unpaid labour. All labour appears as paid labour. In the corvée, the labour of the worker for himself, and his compulsory labour for his lord, differ in space and time in the clearest possible way. In slave labour, even that part of the working-day in which the slave is only replacing the value of his own means of existence, in which, therefore, in fact, he works for himself alone, appears as labour for his master. All the slave’s labour appears as unpaid labour. In wage labour, on the contrary, even surplus-labour, or unpaid labour, appears as paid. There the property-relation conceals the labour of the slave for himself; here the money-relation conceals the unrequited labour of the wage labourer."<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>Marx goes on further on the subject<blockquote>"Hence, we may understand the decisive importance of the transformation of value and price of labour-power into the form of wages, or into the value and price of labour itself. This phenomenal form, which makes the actual relation invisible, and, indeed, shows the direct opposite of that relation, forms the basis of all the juridical notions of both labourer and capitalist, of all the mystifications of the capitalistic mode of production, of all its illusions as to liberty, of all the apologetic shifts of the vulgar economist"<ref name=":0">{{Citation|author=[[Karl Marx]]|year=1867|title=Capital|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/index-l.htm|chapter=The Transformation of the Value (and Respective Price) of Labour-Power into Wages|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch19.htm|section=Money|city=[[Moscow]]|publisher=Progress Publishers}}</ref></blockquote>

== Wage Classifications ==
Wages can be measured in two ways: nominal and real. Nominal wages are the amount of [[money]] that the worker receives. Real wages are expressed in terms of the cost of consumer goods and can change when [[Tax|taxes]] or prices change even if the nominal wage stays constant.<ref>{{Citation|year=1954|title=Political Economy|chapter=Wages|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/subject/economy/authors/pe/pe-ch08.htm|section=Nominal and Real Wages|mia=https://www.marxists.org/subject/economy/authors/pe/index.htm}}</ref>

== See also ==

* [[Wage slavery]]

== References ==
[[Category:Economic concepts]]

Wage

2023-07-16T22:16:22Z

RedPowerBall: re-editing previous edits

A '''Wage''' is a quantity of money paid for control over a worker's [[labor-power]] over a standard [[work day]]. It obscures the distinction between necessary and surplus labour and makes all labour appear to be paid.<ref>{{Citation|author=[[Karl Marx]]|year=1867|title=Capital|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/index-l.htm|chapter=The Transformation of the Value (and Respective Price) of Labour-Power into Wages|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch19.htm|section=Money|city=[[Moscow]]|publisher=Progress Publishers}}</ref>

Wages can be measured in two ways: nominal and real. Nominal wages are the amount of [[money]] that the worker receives. Real wages are expressed in terms of the cost of consumer goods and can change when [[Tax|taxes]] or prices change even if the nominal wage stays constant.<ref>{{Citation|year=1954|title=Political Economy|chapter=Wages|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/subject/economy/authors/pe/pe-ch08.htm|section=Nominal and Real Wages|mia=https://www.marxists.org/subject/economy/authors/pe/index.htm}}</ref>

== See also ==

* [[Wage slavery]]

== References ==
[[Category:Economic concepts]]

Wage

2023-07-16T22:15:19Z

RedPowerBall: Updated the definition of what a wage is

A '''Wage''' is a quantity of money paid for control over a worker's [[Labor-power]] over the a standard [[work day]]. It obscures the distinction between necessary and surplus labour and makes all labour appear to be paid.<ref>{{Citation|author=[[Karl Marx]]|year=1867|title=Capital|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/index-l.htm|chapter=The Transformation of the Value (and Respective Price) of Labour-Power into Wages|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch19.htm|section=Money|city=[[Moscow]]|publisher=Progress Publishers}}</ref>

Wages can be measured in two ways: nominal and real. Nominal wages are the amount of [[money]] that the worker receives. Real wages are expressed in terms of the cost of consumer goods and can change when [[Tax|taxes]] or prices change even if the nominal wage stays constant.<ref>{{Citation|year=1954|title=Political Economy|chapter=Wages|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/subject/economy/authors/pe/pe-ch08.htm|section=Nominal and Real Wages|mia=https://www.marxists.org/subject/economy/authors/pe/index.htm}}</ref>

== See also ==

* [[Wage slavery]]

== References ==
[[Category:Economic concepts]]

Walter Rodney

2023-06-30T00:25:40Z

RedPowerBall: /* Work and Thought */ Referencing Rodney by name and adding the full book name

{{Infobox person|name=Walter Rodney|death_date=13 June 1980|birth_date=23 March 1942|birth_place=Georgetown, [[British Guiana (1831–1966)|British Guiana]]|death_place=Georgetown, [[Guyana]]|death_cause=Assassination by bomb|image=RodneyFinal-scaled (1).jpg|caption=Walter Rodney|image_size=350px}}

'''Walter Rodney''' was a Guyanese [[Marxism|Marxist]] and [[Anti-imperialism|anti-imperialist]] historian, political activist and academic. His work remains highly influential.

== Early life and Education ==
Walter Rodney was born in 1942 into a working-class family in Georgetown, Guyana. His father, Edward Percival, was a tailor who worked largely for himself. However, when work was scarce, he would accept lower-paying work for a weekly wage at a small outlet in Georgetown. Walter Rodneys mother, Pauline, worked from home as a seamstress. Walter’s father, Edward, had traveled for work in the 1930s to Curaçao—a Dutch-held Caribbean island off the coast of Venezuela—before joining the nationalist movement in Guyana led by union activist [[Cheddi Jagan]]. When Walter was eleven years old, his father encouraged him to participate in the 1953 election campaign, leafleting and canvassing for the [[People’s Progressive Party (PPP)]]. Following the PPP’s victory in 1953, Walter Rodney was among the first from working-class homes to be selected for a new scholarship program initiated by the party.<ref name=":2">{{Citation|author=Leo Zeilig|year=2022|title=A Revolutionary for our Time: The Walter Rodney Story|city=Chigaco|publisher=Haymarket Books|lg=http://library.lol/main/3F348AEFD7298D65C03339B0577B66E4}}</ref>

He attended Queens College in Georgetown where he won an open scholarship to the University of the West Indies to read history. In secondary school he distinguished himself in extra-curricular activities. He was in the student cadet corps, as well as being a high jumper and a debater.<ref name=":1">{{Citation|author=Horace Campbell|year=1980|title=Walter Rodney; A Biogaphy and Bibliography|title-url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/3997943?origin=JSTOR-pdf|page=132-137|publisher=Review of African Political Economy, No. 18, Special Issue on Zimbabwe|doi=10.2307/3997943}}</ref>

He attended the University College of the West Indies by the age of 17 in 1960, (in [[Jamaica]]) and was awarded a first-class honours degree in history in 1963. Returning from a a trip to Cuba in January 1962 as a group of three students, they had with them, as the Jamaican intelligence service recorded, a “considerable amount of Communist literature and subversive publications of the IUS, including [[Ernesto Guevara|Che Guevara]]’s ‘Guerrilla Warfare.’” The books were seized by customs and temporarily held. In a student newsletter, a defiant Rodney denounced the authorities for seizing what was a “quite innocuous” gift from the Cubans. He engaged in activism and labour agitation, including organising a strike of the staff of the UWI in May of 1962.<ref name=":2" />

In August 1962, Walter traveled to [[Leningrad]] to attend the annual meeting of the [[IUS (International Union of Students)]].<ref name=":2" /> Here, he recalls his expiriences in the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet Union]] very fondly, being impressed at the books being sold on the streets, the lack of a sharp social division in cultural activities, and the use of passanger air travel.<ref name=":3">{{Citation|author=Edited by Robert A. Hill|year=1990|title=Walter Rodney Speaks: The Making of an African Intellectual|chapter=Part I (Walter Rodney)|page=17-32|city=Trenton|publisher=Africa World Press, Inc.|lg=http://library.lol/main/EF7396527AD63F8340F3ACD9D16310F4}}</ref> He was also impressed by his visit to [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]], recalling that:<blockquote>"Travelling to Cuba was also another important experience, because I was with Cuban students and I got some insight at an early period into the tremendous excitement of the Cuban Revolution. This was 1960, just after the victory of the revolution. One has to live with a revolution to get its full impact, but the next best thing is to go there and see a people actually attempting to grapple with real problems of development. Cuba was a different dimension from the Soviet Union, because the Russians had made their revolution and were moving along smoothly. But the Cubans were up and about, talking and bustling and running and jumping and really living the revolution in a way that was completely outside of anything that one could read anywhere or listen to or conceptualize in an island such as Jamaica, which is where I was still. The Cuban experience was very good. I was fortunate in visiting Cuba twice, only for brief periods, but long enough to get that fire and dynamic of the Cuban revolution."<ref name=":3" /></blockquote>After pausing to complete his studies, he returned to activism as a “sympathizer” of the [[Young Socialist League]] in 1963, a left-wing grouping within the opposition [[People’s National Party (PNP)]]. He moved to London in September, 1963. There, he immersed himself in the communites of colonial peoples and migrants, attended meeetings of the [[West African Student's Union (WASU)]] with his future wife, debated around Hyde Park, and began to move towards Marxism "as a lived practice". He also travelled to Lisbon, Seville and Rome to conduct archival research for his PhD intermittently.<ref name=":2" />

He earned a PhD in [[History of Africa|African History]] on July 5th, 1966 (some hours after his first child was born, Shaka Rodney)<ref name=":2" /> at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, at the age of 24. Rodney’s thesis was published by Oxford University Press as ''A history of the Upper Guinea coast 1545-1800.'' <ref>{{Web citation|author=Katie Price|newspaper=SOAS University of London, Centary Timeline|title=Revolutionary historian: Walter Rodney (1942-1980)|date=2015-09-23|url=https://blogs.soas.ac.uk/centenarytimeline/2015/09/23/revolutionary-historian-walter-rodney-1942-1980/|retrieved=2023-06-28}}</ref> Before he finished his Doctorate in 1966 he married Patricia Henry from Guyana, who was studying in England. <ref name=":1" />

While in London, he organized a [[Marxism|Marxist]] study group that met once a week,<ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Curry Malott, Elgin Bailey|newspaper=[[Liberation School]]|title=Walter Rodney: A people’s professor|date=2022-08-01|url=https://www.liberationschool.org/walter-rodney-a-peoples-professor/|retrieved=2022-08-05}}</ref> over the course of three years with [[C.L.R James]] and his wife Selma James. The decision to organise reading circles independently was one of circumstance, as he found the political climate of the UK left to be inhospitable, offering no avenue of marxist development. He denounced British Trotskyism as "downright foolish", "inarticulate" and "racist", as well as organisationally incapable or unwilling to organize workers. Additionally, he criticised [[The New Left Review]] for its paternalism, latent racism, facileness and lack of depth and seriousness.<ref name=":3" />

He published journal articles in the Journal of African History on 'Portuguese Attempts At Monopoly on the Upper Guinea Coast 1580-1650', in 1966, 'A Reconsideration of the Mane Invasions of Sierra Leone', in 1967, and 'African Slavery and Other Forms of Social Oppression On The Upper Guinea Coast In The Context of the Atlantic Slave Trade', in 1966.<ref name=":1" />

== Political Life and Scholarship ==

=== Tanzania (1966-1968) ===
Rodney began teaching as a professor in [[United Republic of Tanzania|Tanzania]] in 1966. Appllying to the British Ministry of Overseas Development, which advertised in England for positions all over Africa, he began teaching at the University of Dar Es Salaam in July 1966.<ref name=":3" /> In 1967, Rodney prepared for a new, first-year course, “History: African Outline.” In his suggestions and recommendations to students, they were equally encouraged to read [[Frantz Fanon]] (as “essential theoretical reading”) but also "mainstream" accounts like those of Elliot Berg and Jeffrey Butler on trade unions in “tropical Africa.”<ref name=":2" />

He also immersed himself into the debates surrounding the establishment of Tanzanian socialism ([[Ujamaa]]) after the [[Arusha Decleration]], also requesting a salary decerease in response to students hosting a demonstration against the loss of their supposed priviliges in December 1966. Additionally, he was in organised study groups (studiying works of [[Paul Baran]], [[Samir Amin]], [[Frantz Fanon]] and [[Paul Sweezy|Paul Sweezy)]], debated and was involved in radical student politics of the [[University Students' African Liberation Front (USARF)|University Students' African Liberation Front, or USARF]] (which started as the Socialist Club) and the [[TANU Youth League]], in support of Julius Nyereres injunction to debate socialism in 1967.<ref name=":2" />

The Rodneys also met some of their lifelong comrades there, such as [[Marjorie Mbilinyi]] and [[Simon Mbilinyi]]. He returned to the University of the West Indies to teach in January of 1968.<ref name=":2" />

=== Jamaica (1968-1968) ===
He lectured in the History Department at the University of the West Indies starting January 1968. He spent much of his free time with the Rastafarians in sessions called 'Groundings'. <ref name=":1" />

In Jamaica, Rodney initially came to “security notice” in June 1961. Along with two other UWI students, he agreed to attend a meeting in Moscow, the invitation having come from the Prague-based International Union of Students (IUS). He declined this offer initially, however he went to Moscow a year later.Following and during his trip to Cuba, The Jamaican security reckoned that Rodney’s contacts in [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]] extended to the highest level:<blockquote>“There is reason to believe that whilst in Cuba Rodney and his companions were visited in the Hotel by [[Fidel Castro|Castro]] himself.”<ref name=":4">{{Citation|author=Michael O. West|year=2005|title=Walter Rodney and Black Power: Jamaican Intelligence and US Diplomacy|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20120717010546/http://www.umes.edu/cms300uploadedFiles/AJCJS/VOL1.2.WEST%20FINAL.pdf|publisher=African Journal of Crimonology & Justice Studies: AJCJS; Volume 1, No.2}}</ref></blockquote>On arrival to England, Rodney’s intelligence file indicates:<blockquote>“Whilst in England he stayed with his brother Edward Rodney [and accompanied Edward] to what London sources [presumably British intelligence, or else contacts on the ground] termed ‘meetings of various extremist groups.’” </blockquote>In particular, Rodney came to “notice” in 1965 on account of his “association with [[Richard Hart]] and other known West Indian Communists in London.”<ref name=":4" />

Upon his re-entry to Jamaica, he started organizing from February 1968, however remaining unimpressed with the two major left-wing parties in Jamaica, the the opposition [[People’s National Party (PNP)]]- an organisation he previously symphatized with via its youth league, the [[Young Socialist League]]- and the [[New World Group (NWG)]], “an organization of ‘armchair’ left wing intellectuals” that operated throughout the Anglophone Caribbean.<ref name=":4" /> He therefore opted to connect directly to the masses via the [[Rastafarian movement]]. He gives an account of this as follows:<blockquote>“I sought them out where they lived, worked, worshipped, and had their recreation. In turn, they ‘checked’ me at work or at home, and together we ‘probed’ here and there, learning to recognise our common humanity. Naturally, they wanted to know what I stood for, what I ‘defended.’” (...) “Some of my most profound experiences have been the sessions of reasoning or ‘grounding’ with black brothers, squatting on an old car tire or a rusty five gallon can.”<ref name=":4" /></blockquote>When he attended the [[Black Writers' Conference]] in Montreal, Canada in October 1968, [[Hugh Shearer]]'s [[Jamaica Labour Party]] Government banned him from returning to his job at the University.<ref name=":1" /> On 15 October 1968, the government of Jamaica, led by prime minister Hugh Shearer, declared Rodney ''persona non grata''. Walter Rodney gives his following analysis of the reason behind this:<blockquote>"These men serve the interests of a foreign, white capitalist system and at home they uphold a social structure which ensures that the black man resides at the bottom of the social ladder. He is ecoomically opressed and culturally he has no oppurtunity to express himself. That is the situation from which we move."<ref name=":5">{{Citation|author=Walter Rodney|year=1969|title=The Groundings with my Brothers|page=60-66|city=London|publisher=Bogle- L'Ouverture Publications|lg=http://library.lol/main/C6E8A97B709E2F34AEE494AE1F7AD95B}}</ref></blockquote>and<blockquote>“It was this ‘grounding’ with my black brothers that the regime considered sinister and subversive.”<ref name=":4" /></blockquote>The decision to ban him from ever returning to Jamaica and his subsequent dismissal by the University of the West Indies, caused protests by students and the poor of West Kingston that escalated into a riot, known as the [[Rodney Riots]], resulting in six deaths and causing millions of dollars in damages.<ref name=":4" /> The riots and revolts in Kingston subsequent to his banning showed the deep respect that he had gained in the eight months period that he lived in Jamaica. Rodney interpets this as follows:<blockquote>"Let us stop calling it student riots. What has happened in Jamaica is that the black people of the city of Kingsston have seized upon this opprtunity to begin their indictment agaisnt the Government of Jamaica (...). This is part of the whole social malaise, that is revolutionary activity."<ref name=":5" /></blockquote>His sessions with the Rastafarians were published in a pamphlet entitled ''Grounding With My Bothers''.<ref name=":1" />

=== Tanzania (1969-1974) ===
In 1969, Rodney returned to the University of Dar es Salaam. He was promoted to senior lecturer there in 1971 and promoted to associate professor in 1973.<ref name=":2" />

=== Guyana (1974-1980) ===

== Assassination ==

== Work and Thought ==
Walter Rodney's book, ''The Russian Revolution: A View from the Third World'' describes many liberal criticisms of the [[Soviet Union]] as [[Idealism|idealist]] or un-[[Materialism|materialist]].<ref name=":0" />

== Bibliography ==

=== On African History ===

* ''A History of the Upper Guinea Coast 1545-1800'' (1970)
* ''How Europe Underdeveloped Africa'' (1972)
* ''West Africa and the Atlantic Slave Trade'' (1967)
* "European Activity and African Reaction in Angola''"'' ''Aspects of Central African History'' (1968)
* "The Guinea Coast" ''The Cambridge History of Africa 1600-1790 Vol.4'' (1975)
* "African Slavery in the Context of the Atlantic Slave Trade" ''The Black Americans: Interpretive Readings'' (1971)
* "Gold and Slaves on the Gold Coast" ''Transactions of the Ghana Historical Society,'' Vol.X (1969)
* "Upper Guinea and the Significance of the Origins of Africans Enslaved in the New World" ''Journal of Negro History,'' No.4 (1969)
* "Recruitment of Askari in Colonial Tanganyika" ''East African University Social Science Conference Papers'' (1973)
* ''"''African Slavery and Other Forms of Social Oppression on the Upper Guinea Coast in the Context of the Atlantic Slave Trade" ''Perspectives of the African Past'', also in ''Journal of African History'', VII, 3 (1966)
* "Portuguese Attempts At Monopoly On the Upper Guinea Coast, 1580-1850" ''Journal of African History,'' VI, 3 (1965)
* "A Reconsideration of the Mane Invasion of Sierra Leone" ''Journal of African History,'' VIII, 2 (1967)
* "West Africa and the Atlantic Slave Trade" ''Historical Association of Tanzania,'' Paper No.2 (1967)
* "Jihad and Social revolution in Futa Djalon in the Eighteenth Century" ''The Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria'' Vol.4, No.2 (1968)
* ''"''The Year 1985 in Southern Mozambique African Resistance to the Imposition of European Colonial Rule" ''The Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria,'' Vol.V, No.4, (1971)
* "The Colonial Economy''" General History of Africa VII: Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935'', Editor: A. Boahen

=== On Imperialism ===

* ''"''The Imperialist Partition of Africa" ''Monthly Review,'' Special Edition 'Lenin Today', Vol.21, 1970.

=== On the Neo-Colonial Period- The State- Tanzania ===

* "Education in Africa and Contemporary Tanzania" ''Education and Black Struggle: Notes from the Colonized World'', Harvard Educational Review, No.2 (1974)
* "Tanzania Ujamaa and Scientific Socialism", ''African Review,'' Vol.2, No.1 (1972)
* "African History and Development Planning", ''Movement (1974)''
* "State Formation and Class Formation in Tanzania" ''Maji Maji,'' (Dar es Salaam) (1973)
* ''World War 2 and the Tanzanian Economy,'' Cornell University, Africana Studies and Research Centre, Ithaca (1976)
* "Politics of the African Ruling Class", transcription of a lecture given in USA, 1974.
* "Notes on Disengagement from Imperialism", East African University Social Science Conference, 1970.
* "Class Contradictions in Tanzania" ''The State in Tanzania (1980)''
* "Education and Tanzanian Socialism" ''Revolution by Resolution (1968)''

=== On Socialist Transformations ===

* 'Declaration: Implementation Problems', Mbioni, Journal of Kivukoni College, Dar es Salaam, August 1967
* . 'Guyana's Socialism: An Interview with Walter Rodney', Colin Prescod, Race and Class, XVIII, No.2, 1976.
* 'Transition', Transition, Vol.1, No.1, (Guyana), 1978.
* The Struggle Goes On, A WPA Publication, Georgetown, Guyana, August 1979, reprinted by WPA Support Group (UK), London, June 1980.
* People's Power, No Dictator, A WPA Publication, (Georgetown, Guyana, 1979).
* 'Will The World Listen Now?' an interview with Walter Rodney in Guyana Forum, Vol.1, No.3, June 1980.

=== On Politics in the Carribean and Caribbean and Guyanese History ===

* Some Thoughts on the Colonial Economy of the Caribbean, delivered at the Carribean Unity Conference, Howard University, Washington DC, April 21, 1972,
* A New Beginning Pamphlet. Guyanese Sugar Plantations in the Late 19th Century - A Contemporary Description from the Argosy, edited and introduced by Walter Rodney, (Release Publishers, 258 Forshaw Street, Georgetown, Guyana 1979).
* A History of the Guyanese Working Class, (John Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1980). 'Contemporary Trends in the English-Speaking Caribbean', Black Scholar, Vol.7, No. 1, 1975.
* 'The Colonial Economy: Observations on British Guiana and Tanganyika', Institute of Commonwealth Studies Seminar Papers, 1977.
* 'Immigrants and Racial Attitudes in Guyanese History', Institute of Commonwealth Studies Seminar Papers, 1977.
* 'Internal and External Constraints on the Development of Guyanese Working Class', Georgetown Review, Vol.1, No.1, August 1978.

=== On Pan-Africanism ===

* 'Towards the Sixth Pan-African Congress, Aspects of the International Class Struggle in Africa, the Caribbean and America, 1975

=== On Rastefarianism ===

* ''The Groundings With My Brothers''

=== Newly Published ===

* ''The Russian Revolution: A View from the Third World''

* ''Decolonial Marxism: Essays from the Pan-African Revolution''

=== References ===
[[Category:Anti-imperialists]]
<references />
[[Category:Marxists]]

Muslim World League

2023-06-30T00:18:48Z

RedPowerBall: /* History */ Updating Grammar

[[File:WML logo.png|thumb|228x228px|Logo]]
The '''Muslim World League''' ('''MWL''') is a [[reactionary]] [[Islam|Islamic]] organization created by the [[Kingdom of Saudi Arabia|Saudi monarchy]] to fight against [[secularism]] and [[socialism]]. It denounced Arab [[nationalism]] and considers the achievements of Arabs to be achievements of Islam.<ref name=":1222">{{Citation|author=[[Vijay Prashad]]|year=2008|title=The Darker Nations: A People's History of the Third World|chapter=Mecca|page=260|pdf=https://cloudflare-ipfs.com/ipfs/bafykbzaceascnzh26r5d6uitjjs2z7rflhaxlt7rboz5whzdf76qg6xxvecqq?filename=%28A%20New%20Press%20People%27s%20history%29%20Vijay%20Prashad%20-%20The%20darker%20nations_%20a%20people%27s%20history%20of%20the%20third%20world-The%20New%20Press%20%282008%29.pdf|publisher=The New Press|isbn=9781595583420|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=9B40B96E830128A7FE0E0E887C06829F}}</ref>

== History ==
In May 1962, Crown Prince [[Faisal bin Abdulaziz|Faisal]] invited 111 scholars into Mecca to found the Muslim World League. In 1969, at the request of [[Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan|Jordan]], Faisal created the [[Organization of the Islamic Conference]], which created an international news agency.<ref name=":1222" />

== References ==

Walter Rodney

2023-06-28T02:00:41Z

RedPowerBall: /* On African History */ General formatting edits of bibliography

{{Infobox person|name=Walter Rodney|death_date=13 June 1980|birth_date=23 March 1942|birth_place=Georgetown, [[British Guiana (1831–1966)|British Guiana]]|death_place=Georgetown, [[Guyana]]|death_cause=Assassination by bomb}}

'''Walter Rodney''' was a Guyanese [[Marxism|Marxist]] and [[Anti-imperialism|anti-imperialist]] historian, political activist and academic. His work remains highly influential.

== Early life and Education ==
Walter Rodney was born in 1942 into a working-class family in Georgetown, Guyana. His father, Edward Percival, was a tailor who worked largely for himself. However, when work was scarce, he would accept lower-paying work for a weekly wage at a small outlet in Georgetown. Walter Rodneys mother, Pauline, worked from home as a seamstress. Walter’s father, Edward, had traveled for work in the 1930s to Curaçao—a Dutch-held Caribbean island off the coast of Venezuela—before joining the nationalist movement in Guyana led by union activist [[Cheddi Jagan]]. When Walter was eleven years old, his father encouraged him to participate in the 1953 election campaign, leafleting and canvassing for the People’s Progressive Party (PPP). Following the PPP’s victory in 1953, Walter Rodney was among the first from working-class homes to be selected for a new scholarship program initiated by the party.<ref name=":2">{{Citation|author=Leo Zeilig|year=2022|title=A Revolutionary for our Time: The Walter Rodney Story|city=Chigaco|publisher=Haymarket Books|lg=http://library.lol/main/3F348AEFD7298D65C03339B0577B66E4}}</ref>

He attended Queens College in Georgetown where he won an open scholarship to the University of the West Indies to read history. In secondary school he distinguished himself in extra-curricula activities. He was in the student cadet corps, as well as being a high jumper and a debater.<ref name=":1">{{Citation|author=Horace Campbell|year=1980|title=Walter Rodney; A Biogaphy and Bibliography|title-url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/3997943?origin=JSTOR-pdf|page=132-137|publisher=Review of African Political Economy, No. 18, Special Issue on Zimbabwe|doi=10.2307/3997943}}</ref>

He attended the University College of the West Indies by the age of 17 in 1960, (in [[Jamaica]]) and was awarded a first-class honours degree in history in 1963. Returning from a a trip to Cuba in January 1962 as a group of three students, they had with them, as the Jamaican intelligence service recorded, a “considerable amount of Communist literature and subversive publications of the IUS, including [[Ernesto Guevara|Che Guevara]]’s ‘Guerrilla Warfare.’” The books were seized by customs and temporarily held. In a student newsletter, a defiant Rodney denounced the authorities for seizing what was a “quite innocuous” gift from the Cubans. He engaged in activism and labour agitation, including organising a strike of the staff of the UWI in May of 1962.<ref name=":2" />

In August 1962, Walter traveled to [[Leningrad]] to attend the annual meeting of the [[IUS (International Union of Students)]].<ref name=":2" /> Here, he recalls his expiriences in the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet Union]] very fondly, being impressed at the books being sold on the streets, the lack of a sharp social division in cultural activities, and the use of passanger air travel.<ref name=":3">{{Citation|author=Edited by Robert A. Hill|year=1990|title=Walter Rodney Speaks: The Making of an African Intellectual|chapter=Part I (Walter Rodney)|page=17-32|city=Trenton|publisher=Africa World Press, Inc.|lg=http://library.lol/main/EF7396527AD63F8340F3ACD9D16310F4}}</ref> He was also impressed by his visit to [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]], recalling that:<blockquote>"Travelling to Cuba was also another important experience, because I was with Cuban students and I got some insight at an early period into the tremendous excitement of the Cuban Revolution. This was 1960, just after the victory of the revolution. One has to live with a revolution to get its full impact, but the next best thing is to go there and see a people actually attempting to grapple with real problems of development. Cuba was a different dimension from the Soviet Union, because the Russians had made their revolution and were moving along smoothly. But the Cubans were up and about, talking and bustling and running and jumping and really living the revolution in a way that was completely outside of anything that one could read anywhere or listen to or conceptualize in an island such as Jamaica, which is where I was still The Cuban experience was very good. I was fortunate in visiting Cuba twice, only for brief periods, but long enough to get that fire and dynamic of the Cuban revolution."<ref name=":3" /></blockquote>After pausing to complete his studies, he returned to activism as a “sympathizer” of the [[Young Socialist League]] in 1963, a left-wing grouping within the opposition [[People’s National Party (PNP)]]. He moved to London in September, 1963. There, he immersed himself in the communites of colonial peoples and migrants, attended meeetings of the [[West African Student's Union (WASU)]] with his future wife, debated around Hyde Park, and began to move towards Marxism "as a lived practice". He also travelled to Lisbon, Seville and Rome to conduct archival research for his PhD intermittently.<ref name=":2" />

He earned a PhD in [[History of Africa|African History]] on July 5th, 1966 (some hours after his first child was born, Shaka Rodney)<ref name=":2" /> at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, at the age of 24. Rodney’s thesis was published by Oxford University Press as ''A history of the Upper Guinea coast 1545-1800.'' <ref>{{Web citation|author=Katie Price|newspaper=SOAS University of London, Centary Timeline|title=Revolutionary historian: Walter Rodney (1942-1980)|date=2015-09-23|url=https://blogs.soas.ac.uk/centenarytimeline/2015/09/23/revolutionary-historian-walter-rodney-1942-1980/|retrieved=2023-06-28}}</ref> Before he finished his Doctorate in 1966 he married Patricia Henry from Guyana, who was studying in England. <ref name=":1" />

While in London, he organized a [[Marxism|Marxist]] study group that met once a week,<ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Curry Malott, Elgin Bailey|newspaper=[[Liberation School]]|title=Walter Rodney: A people’s professor|date=2022-08-01|url=https://www.liberationschool.org/walter-rodney-a-peoples-professor/|retrieved=2022-08-05}}</ref> over the course of three years with [[C.L.R James]] and his wife Selma James. The decision to organise reading circles independently was one of circumstance, as he found the political climate of the UK left to be inhospitable, offering no avenue of marxist development. He denounced British Trotskyism as "downright foolish", "inarticulate" and "racist", as well as organisationally incapable or unwilling to organize workers. Additionally, he criticised [[The New Left Review]] for its paternalism, latent racism, facileness and lack of depth and seriousness.<ref name=":3" />

He published journal articles in the Journal of African History on 'Portuguese Attempts At Monopoly on the Upper Guinea Coast 1580-1650', in 1966, 'A Reconsideration of the Mane Invasions of Sierra Leone', in 1967, and 'African Slavery and Other Forms of Social Oppression On The Upper Guinea Coast In The Context of the Atlantic Slave Trade', in 1966.<ref name=":1" />

== Political Life, Pan-African Activism and Scholarship ==

=== Tanzania and Jamaica (1966-1969) ===
Rodney began teaching as a professor in [[United Republic of Tanzania|Tanzania]] in 1966. He returned to the University of the West Indies to teach in January of 1968.

=== Tanzania and the University of Dar Es Salaam (1969-1974) ===

=== Return to Guyana (1974- 1980) ===

== Assassination ==

== Work and Thought ==
His work ''A View from the Third World'' describes many liberal criticisms of the [[Soviet Union]] as [[Idealism|idealist]] or un-[[Materialism|materialist]].<ref name=":0" />

== Bibliography ==

=== On African History ===

* ''A History of the Upper Guinea Coast 1545-1800'' (1970)
* ''How Europe Underdeveloped Africa'' (1972)
* ''West Africa and the Atlantic Slave Trade'' (1967)
* "European Activity and African Reaction in Angola''"'' ''Aspects of Central African History'' (1968)
* "The Guinea Coast" ''The Cambridge History of Africa 1600-1790 Vol.4'' (1975)
* "African Slavery in the Context of the Atlantic Slave Trade" ''The Black Americans: Interpretive Readings'' (1971)
* "Gold and Slaves on the Gold Coast" ''Transactions of the Ghana Historical Society,'' Vol.X (1969)
* "Upper Guinea and the Significance of the Origins of Africans Enslaved in the New World" ''Journal of Negro History,'' No.4 (1969)
* "Recruitment of Askari in Colonial Tanganyika" ''East African University Social Science Conference Papers'' (1973)
* ''"''African Slavery and Other Forms of Social Oppression on the Upper Guinea Coast in the Context of the Atlantic Slave Trade" ''Perspectives of the African Past'', also in ''Journal of African History'', VII, 3 (1966)
* "Portuguese Attempts At Monopoly On the Upper Guinea Coast, 1580-1850" ''Journal of African History,'' VI, 3 (1965)
* "A Reconsideration of the Mane Invasion of Sierra Leone" ''Journal of African History,'' VIII, 2 (1967)
* "West Africa and the Atlantic Slave Trade" ''Historical Association of Tanzania,'' Paper No.2 (1967)
* "Jihad and Social revolution in Futa Djalon in the Eighteenth Century" ''The Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria'' Vol.4, No.2 (1968)
* ''"''The Year 1985 in Southern Mozambique African Resistance to the Imposition of European Colonial Rule" ''The Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria,'' Vol.V, No.4, (1971)
* "The Colonial Economy''" General History of Africa VII: Africa under Colonial Domination 1880-1935'', Editor: A. Boahen

=== On Imperialism ===

* ''"''The Imperialist Partition of Africa" ''Monthly Review,'' Special Edition 'Lenin Today', Vol.21, 1970.

=== On the Neo-Colonial Period- The State- Tanzania ===

* "Education in Africa and Contemporary Tanzania" ''Education and Black Struggle: Notes from the Colonized World'', Harvard Educational Review, No.2 (1974)
* "Tanzania Ujamaa and Scientific Socialism", ''African Review,'' Vol.2, No.1 (1972)
* "African History and Development Planning", ''Movement (1974)''
* "State Formation and Class Formation in Tanzania" ''Maji Maji,'' (Dar es Salaam) (1973)
* ''World War 2 and the Tanzanian Economy,'' Cornell University, Africana Studies and Research Centre, Ithaca (1976)
* "Politics of the African Ruling Class", transcription of a lecture given in USA, 1974.
* "Notes on Disengagement from Imperialism", East African University Social Science Conference, 1970.
* "Class Contradictions in Tanzania" ''The State in Tanzania (1980)''
* "Education and Tanzanian Socialism" ''Revolution by Resolution (1968)''

=== On Socialist Transformations ===

* 'Declaration: Implementation Problems', Mbioni, Journal of Kivukoni College, Dar es Salaam, August 1967
* . 'Guyana's Socialism: An Interview with Walter Rodney', Colin Prescod, Race and Class, XVIII, No.2, 1976.
* 'Transition', Transition, Vol.1, No.1, (Guyana), 1978.
* The Struggle Goes On, A WPA Publication, Georgetown, Guyana, August 1979, reprinted by WPA Support Group (UK), London, June 1980.
* People's Power, No Dictator, A WPA Publication, (Georgetown, Guyana, 1979).
* 'Will The World Listen Now?' an interview with Walter Rodney in Guyana Forum, Vol.1, No.3, June 1980.

=== On Politics in the Carribean and Caribbean and Guyanese History ===

* Some Thoughts on the Colonial Economy of the Caribbean, delivered at the Carribean Unity Conference, Howard University, Washington DC, April 21, 1972,
* A New Beginning Pamphlet. Guyanese Sugar Plantations in the Late 19th Century - A Contemporary Description from the Argosy, edited and introduced by Walter Rodney, (Release Publishers, 258 Forshaw Street, Georgetown, Guyana 1979).
* A History of the Guyanese Working Class, (John Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1980). 'Contemporary Trends in the English-Speaking Caribbean', Black Scholar, Vol.7, No. 1, 1975.
* 'The Colonial Economy: Observations on British Guiana and Tanganyika', Institute of Commonwealth Studies Seminar Papers, 1977.
* 'Immigrants and Racial Attitudes in Guyanese History', Institute of Commonwealth Studies Seminar Papers, 1977.
* 'Internal and External Constraints on the Development of Guyanese Working Class', Georgetown Review, Vol.1, No.1, August 1978.

=== On Pan-Africanism ===

* 'Towards the Sixth Pan-African Congress, Aspects of the International Class Struggle in Africa, the Caribbean and America, 1975

=== On Rastefarianism ===

* The Groundings With My Brothers

=== References ===
[[Category:Anti-imperialists]]
<references />
[[Category:Marxists]]

Great Leap Forward

2023-06-27T04:32:23Z

RedPowerBall:

[[File:Great Leap Forward poster.png|thumb|Poster of [[Mao Zedong|Mao]] visiting a homemade steel furnace during the Great Leap Forward]]
The '''Great Leap Forward''' (Simplified Chinese: 大跃进; Pinyin: Dà yuèjìn) was an economic and social campaign in the [[People's Republic of China]], introduced in 1958 as a part of the [[Five-year plans of China#Second Plan (1958–1962)|Second Five-Year Plan]].

The policies surrounding the Great Leap Forward created the conditions for [[Peasantry|peasants]], who had already [[Collectivization|collectivized]] land, to further collectivize. This led to the creation large communes composed of thousands of people. Both industrial capacity and food security were advanced as a result of the Great Leap Forward and its policies<ref name=":1" />

There were also policy failures and practices such as producing steel in small rural foundries, also known as [[backyard furnace|backyard steel furnaces]]. Mao admitted that policy errors occurred and took responsibility for them, but [[Imperial core|Western]] claims of mass starvation are widely exaggerated.<ref>[https://alphahistory.com/chineserevolution/mao-responsibility-great-leap-forward-1959/ MAO ON RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE GREAT LEAP FORWARD (1959)]</ref>

== Famine ==
Western sources often claim that the largest famine in history took place during the Great Leap Forward. Official Chinese documents released after Mao's death put the death toll at 16.5 million, which may be exaggerated, while [[Bourgeois media|bourgeois]] sources claim that 30 or even 38 million people died. Other sources such as The China Quarterly (a CIA funded outlet) claim 50-60 million died. <ref>{{Web citation|author=Joseph Ball|newspaper=Monthly Review|title=Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward?|date=2006-09-21|url=https://mronline.org/2006/09/21/did-mao-really-kill-millions-in-the-great-leap-forward/|retrieved=2023-04-23|quote=U.S. state agencies have provided assistance to those with a negative attitude to Maoism (and communism in general) throughout the post-war period. For example, the veteran historian of Maoism Roderick MacFarquhar edited The China Quarterly in the 1960s. This magazine published allegations about massive famine deaths that have been quoted ever since. It later emerged that this journal received money from a CIA front organisation, as MacFarquhar admitted in a recent letter to The London Review of Books. (Roderick MacFarquhar states that he did not know the money was coming from the CIA while he was editing The China Quarterly.)}}</ref>

Mao spoke on the subject of over-enthusiasm in the Great Leap Forward at the Wuchang Conference saying

"In this kind of situation, I think if we do [all these things simultaneously] half of China’s population unquestionably will die; and if it’s not a half, it’ll be a third or ten percent, a death toll of 50 million. When people died in Guangxi, wasn’t Chen Manyuan dismissed? If with a death toll of 50 million, you didn’t lose your jobs, I at least should lose mine; [whether I would lose my] head would be open to question. Anhui wants to do so many things, it’s quite all right to do a lot, but make it a principle to have no deaths." <ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Joseph Ball|newspaper=Monthly Review|title=Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward?|date=2006-09-21|url=https://mronline.org/2006/09/21/did-mao-really-kill-millions-in-the-great-leap-forward/#en22|retrieved=2023-04-23|quote=In this kind of situation, I think if we do [all these things simultaneously] half of China’s population unquestionably will die; and if it’s not a half, it’ll be a third or ten percent, a death toll of 50 million. When people died in Guangxi [in 1955-Joseph Ball], wasn’t Chen Manyuan dismissed? If with a death toll of 50 million, you didn’t lose your jobs, I at least should lose mine; [whether I would lose my] head would be open to question. Anhui wants to do so many things, it’s quite all right to do a lot, but make it a principle to have no deaths.22

Then in a few sentences later Mao says: “As to 30 million tons of steel, do we really need that much? Are we able to produce [that much]? How many people do we mobilize? Could it lead to deaths?”}}</ref>

A few moments later Mao continues "As to 30 million tons of steel, do we really need that much? Are we able to produce [that much]? How many people do we mobilize? Could it lead to deaths? ” <ref name=":0" />

It is true that agricultural production decreased in five years between 1949-1978 due to “natural calamities and mistakes in the work.” However, during 1949-1978 the per hectare yield of land sown with food crops increased by 145.9% and total food production rose 169.6%. During this period China’s population grew by 77.7%. On these figures, China’s per capita food production grew from 204 kilograms to 328 kilograms in the period in question.<ref name=":1">Guo Shutian ‘China’s Food Supply and Demand Situation and International Trade’ in ''Can China Feed Itself? Chinese Scholars on China’s Food Issue.'' Beijing Foreign Languages Press 2004.</ref>

== Industrial Growth ==
In 1952 industry was 36% of gross value of national output in China. By 1975 industry was 72% and agriculture was 28%. It is quite obvious that Mao’s supposedly disastrous socialist economic policies paved the way for the rapid economic and industrial development of [[Reform and Opening Up]].<ref>M. Meissner, ''The Deng Xiaoping Era. An Enquiry into the Fate of Chinese Socialism, 1978-1994'', Hill and Wray 1996.</ref>

Official Chinese statistics show that after the end of the Leap in 1962, industrial output value had doubled; the gross value of agricultural products increased by 35 percent; steel production in 1962 was between 10.6 million tons or 12 million tons; investment in capital construction rose to 40 percent from 35 percent in the First Five-Year Plan period; the investment in capital construction was doubled; and the average income of workers and farmers increased by up to 30 percent.<ref>''[https://books.google.com/books?id=AE8zAQAAIAAJ People's Republic of China Yearbook]''. Vol. 29. Xinhua Publishing House. 2009. p. 340. <q>The 2nd Five-Year Plan (1958–1962)</q> </ref> Additionally, there was significant capital construction (especially in iron, steel, mining and textile enterprises) that ultimately contributed greatly to China's industrialization.<ref>Joseph, William A. (1986). "A Tragedy of Good Intentions: Post-Mao Views of the Great Leap Forward". ''Modern China''. '''12''' (4): 419–457. doi:10.1177/009770048601200401. ISSN 0097-7004. JSTOR 189257. S2CID 145481585.</ref>

Heavy industry grew a great deal in this period too. Developments such as the establishment of the Taching oil field during the Great Leap Forward provided a great boost to the development of heavy industry. A massive oil field was developed in China. This was developed after 1960 using indigenous techniques, rather than Soviet or western techniques. (Specifically the workers used pressure from below to help extract the oil. They did not rely on constructing a multitude of derricks, as is the usual practice in oil fields).<ref>W. Burchett with R. Alley ''China: the Quality of Life.'' Penguin, 1976.</ref>

== More Reading/Videos ==
[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jw8VEwHUlJs Raymond Lotta Talking about the Great Leap Foward]

== References ==
[[Category:Debunking myths]]
[[Category:History of China]]

Great Leap Forward

2023-06-27T04:27:59Z

RedPowerBall: Updating the lead for more information as well as clarity

[[File:Great Leap Forward poster.png|thumb|Poster of [[Mao Zedong|Mao]] visiting a homemade steel furnace during the Great Leap Forward]]
The '''Great Leap Forward''' (Simplified Chinese: 大跃进; Pinyin: Dà yuèjìn) was an economic and social campaign in the [[People's Republic of China]], introduced in 1958 as a part of the [[Five-year plans of China#Second Plan (1958–1962)|Second Five-Year Plan]].

The policies surrounding the Great Leap Forward created the conditions for [[Peasantry|peasants]], who had already [[Collectivization|collectivized]] land, to further collectivize, And so large communes composed of thousands of people were created. Industry in China was also advanced, as well as food security after this period.

There were also policy failures and practices such as producing steel in small rural foundries, also known as [[backyard furnace|backyard steel furnaces]]. Mao admitted that policy errors occurred and took responsibility for them, but [[Imperial core|Western]] claims of mass starvation are widely exaggerated.<ref>[https://alphahistory.com/chineserevolution/mao-responsibility-great-leap-forward-1959/ MAO ON RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE GREAT LEAP FORWARD (1959)]</ref>

== Famine ==
Western sources often claim that the largest famine in history took place during the Great Leap Forward. Official Chinese documents released after Mao's death put the death toll at 16.5 million, which may be exaggerated, while [[Bourgeois media|bourgeois]] sources claim that 30 or even 38 million people died. Other sources such as The China Quarterly (a CIA funded outlet) claim 50-60 million died. <ref>{{Web citation|author=Joseph Ball|newspaper=Monthly Review|title=Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward?|date=2006-09-21|url=https://mronline.org/2006/09/21/did-mao-really-kill-millions-in-the-great-leap-forward/|retrieved=2023-04-23|quote=U.S. state agencies have provided assistance to those with a negative attitude to Maoism (and communism in general) throughout the post-war period. For example, the veteran historian of Maoism Roderick MacFarquhar edited The China Quarterly in the 1960s. This magazine published allegations about massive famine deaths that have been quoted ever since. It later emerged that this journal received money from a CIA front organisation, as MacFarquhar admitted in a recent letter to The London Review of Books. (Roderick MacFarquhar states that he did not know the money was coming from the CIA while he was editing The China Quarterly.)}}</ref>

Mao spoke on the subject of over-enthusiasm in the Great Leap Forward at the Wuchang Conference saying

"In this kind of situation, I think if we do [all these things simultaneously] half of China’s population unquestionably will die; and if it’s not a half, it’ll be a third or ten percent, a death toll of 50 million. When people died in Guangxi, wasn’t Chen Manyuan dismissed? If with a death toll of 50 million, you didn’t lose your jobs, I at least should lose mine; [whether I would lose my] head would be open to question. Anhui wants to do so many things, it’s quite all right to do a lot, but make it a principle to have no deaths." <ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Joseph Ball|newspaper=Monthly Review|title=Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward?|date=2006-09-21|url=https://mronline.org/2006/09/21/did-mao-really-kill-millions-in-the-great-leap-forward/#en22|retrieved=2023-04-23|quote=In this kind of situation, I think if we do [all these things simultaneously] half of China’s population unquestionably will die; and if it’s not a half, it’ll be a third or ten percent, a death toll of 50 million. When people died in Guangxi [in 1955-Joseph Ball], wasn’t Chen Manyuan dismissed? If with a death toll of 50 million, you didn’t lose your jobs, I at least should lose mine; [whether I would lose my] head would be open to question. Anhui wants to do so many things, it’s quite all right to do a lot, but make it a principle to have no deaths.22

Then in a few sentences later Mao says: “As to 30 million tons of steel, do we really need that much? Are we able to produce [that much]? How many people do we mobilize? Could it lead to deaths?”}}</ref>

A few moments later Mao continues "As to 30 million tons of steel, do we really need that much? Are we able to produce [that much]? How many people do we mobilize? Could it lead to deaths? ” <ref name=":0" />

It is true that agricultural production decreased in five years between 1949-1978 due to “natural calamities and mistakes in the work.” However, during 1949-1978 the per hectare yield of land sown with food crops increased by 145.9% and total food production rose 169.6%. During this period China’s population grew by 77.7%. On these figures, China’s per capita food production grew from 204 kilograms to 328 kilograms in the period in question.<ref>Guo Shutian ‘China’s Food Supply and Demand Situation and International Trade’ in ''Can China Feed Itself? Chinese Scholars on China’s Food Issue.'' Beijing Foreign Languages Press 2004.</ref>

== Industrial Growth ==
In 1952 industry was 36% of gross value of national output in China. By 1975 industry was 72% and agriculture was 28%. It is quite obvious that Mao’s supposedly disastrous socialist economic policies paved the way for the rapid economic and industrial development of [[Reform and Opening Up]].<ref>M. Meissner, ''The Deng Xiaoping Era. An Enquiry into the Fate of Chinese Socialism, 1978-1994'', Hill and Wray 1996.</ref>

Official Chinese statistics show that after the end of the Leap in 1962, industrial output value had doubled; the gross value of agricultural products increased by 35 percent; steel production in 1962 was between 10.6 million tons or 12 million tons; investment in capital construction rose to 40 percent from 35 percent in the First Five-Year Plan period; the investment in capital construction was doubled; and the average income of workers and farmers increased by up to 30 percent.<ref>''[https://books.google.com/books?id=AE8zAQAAIAAJ People's Republic of China Yearbook]''. Vol. 29. Xinhua Publishing House. 2009. p. 340. <q>The 2nd Five-Year Plan (1958–1962)</q> </ref> Additionally, there was significant capital construction (especially in iron, steel, mining and textile enterprises) that ultimately contributed greatly to China's industrialization.<ref>Joseph, William A. (1986). "A Tragedy of Good Intentions: Post-Mao Views of the Great Leap Forward". ''Modern China''. '''12''' (4): 419–457. doi:10.1177/009770048601200401. ISSN 0097-7004. JSTOR 189257. S2CID 145481585.</ref>

Heavy industry grew a great deal in this period too. Developments such as the establishment of the Taching oil field during the Great Leap Forward provided a great boost to the development of heavy industry. A massive oil field was developed in China. This was developed after 1960 using indigenous techniques, rather than Soviet or western techniques. (Specifically the workers used pressure from below to help extract the oil. They did not rely on constructing a multitude of derricks, as is the usual practice in oil fields).<ref>W. Burchett with R. Alley ''China: the Quality of Life.'' Penguin, 1976.</ref>

== More Reading/Videos ==
[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jw8VEwHUlJs Raymond Lotta Talking about the Great Leap Foward]

== References ==
[[Category:Debunking myths]]
[[Category:History of China]]

Anti-revisionism

2023-06-21T16:59:24Z

RedPowerBall: Added link to Sino-soviet split

'''Anti-revisionism''' is a position in the [[Communist|communist]] movement which is opposed to perceived [[Revisionism|revisionist]] tendencies.

Anti-revisionism could be initially seen with the works of Marxist theorists such as [[Vladimir Lenin]], but would later have a complete change in meaning following the rise of [[Nikita Khrushchev]] and his successors to leadership in the [[Soviet Union]], which drew resistance from [[People's Republic of Albania|Albanian]] leader [[Enver Hoxha]] and [[People's Republic of China|Chinese]] leader [[Mao Zedong]] respectively,<ref>{{Citation|author=[[Enver Hoxha]]|year=1969|title=The Demagogy of the Soviet Revisionists Cannot Conceal their Traitorous Countenance|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/hoxha/works/1969/01/10.htm}}</ref> though this later developed into sectarian tendencies which isolated both countries internationally.

Modern anti-revisionists are commonly in rejection of the [[History of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1953-1991)|post-Stalin Soviet Union]], though many anti-revisionists characterize in their [[Dogmatism|dogmatic]] rejection of modern [[Socialist state|socialist countries]] such as [[Laos]], [[Vietnam]], and particularly [[China]] for their economic and political reforms, which they view as a [[capitalist]] deviation from [[socialist]] principles, and an indication of the adoption of [[social-imperialism]]. Most modern anti-revisionists are usually adherents of [[Hoxhaism]] or [[Marxism-Leninism-Maoism]].

As described by the ''Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line'':<ref>{{Citation|author=Paul C.|year=2009|title=Anti-Revisionism and the Anti-Revisionist Movement|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/what.htm}}</ref> <blockquote>"Historically, in the Communist lexicon, the term “anti-revisionism” has been used to describe opposition to attempts to revise, modify or abandon the fundamentals of revolutionary theory and practice in a manner that was perceived to represent concessions to Communism’s adversaries.

In recent times, however, the term has taken on a more specific meaning. It describes a trend that developed in the pro-Soviet (as opposed to the Trotskyist) Communist movement after World War II. The growth of this anti-revisionist trend was particularly noticeable at several critical moments in the history of the Communist movement – the shift from WW II-era collaboration between the Soviet Union and the Western Powers to the Cold War, and the crisis inaugurated by the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956.

Initially, the anti-revisionists presented a critique of the official Communist Parties “from the left” for having abandoned orthodox Marxism-Leninism (becoming “revisionist,”), and for being insufficiently revolutionary. Once the official Communist Parties joined in Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin, the defense of Stalin and his legacy became a hallmark of “anti-revisionism.” Later on, the anti-revisionist movement expanded and diversified to encompass those communists who rejected a pro-Soviet orientation for one aligned either with Chinese or Albanian positions.

Anti-revisionism enjoyed its moment of greatest size and influence with numerous “Marxist-Leninist” and “Maoist” parties, groups and publications springing up around the world in the period which began with the [[Sino-Soviet split]] of the early 1960s. Its growth was greatly accelerated by international enthusiasm for the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China, but it began to decline in response to controversial Chinese foreign policy decisions in the last years of Mao’s life, his death and the subsequent defeat of the Gang of Four. While some anti-revisionists soldiered on, adapting to these changes, these later events spurred other elements to argue for a non-Trotskyist “left-wing” communism, independent of allegiance to foreign authorities or models."</blockquote>

==References==
<references />
[[Category:Marxist terminology]]
[[Category:Marxist theory]]

Red Guards (United States)

2023-06-17T05:47:48Z

RedPowerBall: /* Ideology */ Updating misspellings

{{Infobox guerilla organization|name=Red Guards|image=USA Red Guard symbol.png|active=2015-2018<ref group="lower-alpha">Certain Red Guard collectives maintained activity until 2020.</ref>|ideology=[[Maoism|Marxism-Leninism-Maoism]] [[Gonzalo Thought]] [[Revolution|Revolutionary Socialism]] [[Anti-Revisionism]]|status=Inactive|motives=Initiation of a [[Protracted people's war]] in the United States.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Red Guards Austin|title=DON’T VOTE, REVOLT!|date=2016-9-7|url=https://redguardsaustin.wordpress.com/2016/09/07/dont-vote-revolt/|retrieved=2022-9-10}}</ref> }}

The '''Red Guards''' were a decentralized collection of revolutionary [[Marxism-Leninism-Maoism|Marxist-Leninist-Maoist]] and [[Gonzalo thought|Gonzaloist]] organizations in the [[United States of America]].<ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Joseph Caterine|newspaper=The Austin Chronicle|title=Red Guards and the Modern Face of Protest|date=2017-2-17|url=https://www.austinchronicle.com/news/2017-02-17/red-guards-and-the-modern-face-of-protest/|retrieved=2022-9-10}}</ref>

Greatly inspired by the [[Red Guards (China)|Red Guards]] during the [[Chinese Cultural Revolution]], the priorities of the Statesian Red Guards included a strong opposition to [[reformism]], a militant focus on [[Praxis|direct action]] and, eventually, the start of a [[protracted people's war]] against the government,<ref name=":1">{{Web citation|author=Red Guards Austin|title=DON’T VOTE, REVOLT!|date=2016-9-7|url=https://redguardsaustin.wordpress.com/2016/09/07/dont-vote-revolt/|retrieved=2022-9-10}}</ref> and taking "[[Anti-revisionism|Anti-revisionist]]" stances against groups such as the [[Democratic Socialists of America]] and the [[Party for Socialism and Liberation]].<ref>{{Web citation|author=Red Guards Austin|title=DSA are capitalist pigs!|date=2018-10-21|url=https://redguardsaustin.wordpress.com/2018/10/21/dsa-are-capitalist-pigs/|retrieved=2022-9-10}}</ref>

== History ==

===Formation===
The Red Guard movement in the United States first originated in the city of Austin, Texas, when in 2015, communists that were previously participating in an effort to form a [[communist party]] based around Marxist-leninist-maoist ideology split, and instead organized into a smaller group of Gonzaloist cadres, known as the Austin Red Guards, whose activities were largely limited to charity and small-scale protests in favor of the [[LGBTQ+]] community, which were commonly done under the slogan "[[Serve the people (slogan)|serve the people]]."

Later on, the Austin Red Guards were able to gain popularity among other Maoists for their vocal denouncement of the widely-disliked [[Trotskyism|Trotskyist]] party, the [[International Socialist Organization]], among other infamous groups. The Austin Red Guards exploited this popularity that was created from their polemical attacks against [[Opportunism|opportunists]] to create similar Gonzaloist Red Guard collectives (which largely functioned as merely front organizations) in other parts of the United States. These Red Guard organizations were allegedly created through coercively splitting rival Maoist collectives or, if that tactic failed, eliminating them as an effective organization entirely.<ref name=":2">{{Web citation|newspaper=Cosmonaut|title=Criticism and Self-Criticism: Red Guards or Iron Guards?|date=2019-10-17|url=https://cosmonaut.blog/2019/10/17/criticism-and-self-criticism-red-guards-or-iron-guards/|retrieved=2022-9-10}}</ref>
===Anti-electoralism during the 2016 election===
[[File:Austin red guard Anti-reformist graffiti.png|thumb|241x241px|Red Guard graffiti.]]At around the time of the [[2016 United States presidential election|2016 election in the United States]], the Red Guards began to escalate both their rhetoric and tactics, with Red Guards beginning to take militant action against [[Donald Trump|Trump]] supporters, and calling on voters to boycott the presidential election and instead take revolutionary actions against the bourgeois democracy.<ref name=":0" /><ref name=":1" />

Also at this time, the Red Guards would attempt to attract support from protestors from [[Black Lives Matter]] as well as [[feminist]] and [[LGBT+|transgender]] movements, with one notable Red Guard cell renaming itself to the ''Popular Women’s Movement''. However, these efforts were not met with notable success, with the Red Guards later refuting the Black Lives Matter movement as [[liberal]] and reformist<ref>{{Web citation|author=Red Guards Austin|title=What the fuck is wrong with the Black Lives Matter Movement in Austin?!|date=2016-7-18|url=https://redguardsaustin.wordpress.com/2016/07/18/what-the-fuck-is-wrong-with-the-black-lives-matter-movement-in-austin/|retrieved=2022-9-11}}</ref> and even embracing quasi-transphobic tendencies.<ref name=":2" />

===Later activities===
After the conclusion of the presidential election, and in the immediate years following it, the Red Guards would largely maintain their anti-reformist rhetoric and [[Antifa|anti-fascist]] stance, with the Austin Red Guards publishing a statement which called on other collectives to begin "militarization," and declaring that "the war is not coming, it is here and now."<ref>{{Web citation|author=Red Guards Austin|title=Everywhere a Battlefield|date=2017-8-27|url=https://redguardsaustin.wordpress.com/2017/08/27/everywhere-a-battlefield/|retrieved=2022-9-11|quote=The war is not coming—it is here and now. We must take our historic task seriously. We must accumulate forces and steel them in small-scale street battles. We must respond accordingly to the apocalyptic reality that capitalism-imperialism has forced on us. There is no third way, no middle road, and all who refuse to grasp this have in fact chosen a side already—they have chosen the side of business as usual for oppression. We too have chosen our side and we have stood and will stand on the front lines of class struggles in the US. We are at war and we always have been—it is time we behave like soldiers. We are guided by the promise of communism. The world is in chaos, and we must choose either the socialist future or the barbarism of extinction, and this is what it means to live in the age of the strategic offensive.}}</ref> At this time, the Red Guards further intensified their attempts at creating and expanding aligned-cells. However, also at this point, the Red Guards would soon begin to direct criticism and even take forceful action against organizations which failed to adhere to a similar Gonzaloist line, which included reformist [[Socialist|socialists]] and even other [[Communist|communists]], with their tactics beginning to encapsulate what has been described as "street gang tactics."

Their actions at this time reportedly included disrupting tenant organizing efforts due to their location being within what Red Guards had claimed was their "turf," threatening rival Maoists by harassing them or leaving dead animal remains on their doorsteps,<ref name=":2" /> attempting to attack ''Democratic Socialists of America'' gatherings,<ref>{{Web citation|author=DSA Metro Cincinnati & Northern Kentucky|newspaper=DSA|title=Statement of Solidarity with KC DSA|date=2019-10-14|url=https://dsacincy.org/statement-of-solidarity-with-kc-dsa/|retrieved=2022-9-11}}</ref> and even physically assaulting a Democratic Socialist congressional candidate.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Asher Price|newspaper=Austin American-Statesman|title=Austin Democratic congressional candidate says she was assaulted|date=2020-1-13|url=https://www.statesman.com/story/news/local/flash-briefing/2020/01/13/austin-democratic-congressional-candidate-says-she-was-assaulted/1903834007/|retrieved=2022-9-11}}</ref>

===Statements of dissolution===
Following increasing controversy over alleged attacks on DSA and other organizations by Red Guards, along with other reasons, on December 17, 2018, a ''Red Guards Austin'' (RGA) WordPress account published the statement, "this project has reached its conclusion, we are no more."<ref>[https://redguardsaustin.wordpress.com/2018/12/17/important-notice/ "Important notice."] Red Guards Austin. December 17, 2018. WordPress. [https://web.archive.org/web/20220911032357/https://redguardsaustin.wordpress.com/2018/12/17/important-notice/ Archived] 2022-09-11.</ref> A ''Red Guards Los Angeles'' (RGLA) WordPress published a similar statement on May 17, 2019, stating, "Red Guards Los Angeles, as of today, is no more."<ref>[https://redguardsla.wordpress.com/2019/05/17/important-notice/ "Important notice."] Red Guards Los Angeles. May 17, 2019. WordPress. [https://web.archive.org/web/20220911032317/https://redguardsla.wordpress.com/2019/05/17/important-notice/ Archived] 2022-09-11.</ref>

With the largest and most influential Red Guard collectives disbanded, most other Red Guards followed suit and dispersed, with many collectives likely suffering from a lack of discipline, collective leadership and [[democratic centralism]], and internal unity.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=Tampa Maoist Collective|title=Statement on the History of the Tampa Maoist Collective and its Dissolving: If You Don’t Dare to Struggle, You Don’t Deserve to Win.|date=2018-3-22|url=https://tampamaoistcollective.wordpress.com/2018/03/22/the-tampa-maoist-collective-year-summation-if-you-dont-dare-to-struggle-you-dont-deserve-to-win/|retrieved=2022-10-13}}</ref>

== Ideology ==
The Red Guards have described their ideology as "Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism," a variant of Maoism that is characterized by its dogmatic adherence and emphasis to the works of [[Mao Zedong]] and [[Abimael Guzmán]], also known as "Chairman Gonzalo." Viewing their ideology as being the "highest stage of [[Marxism]]," the Red Guards commonly viewed most other schools of thought in Marxism as being "[[Revisionism|revisionist]]" or "[[Social fascism|social-fascist]]," and therefore in contradiction with their own views.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Red Guards Austin|title=Condemned to Win! Position paper from Red Guards Austin, 2016|date=2016-6-5|url=https://redguardsaustin.wordpress.com/2016/07/05/condemned-to-win-position-paper-from-red-guards-austin-2016/|retrieved=2022-9-11}}</ref> Such a view likely would contribute to the militant sectarianism that the Red Guards were infamous for.

==Media==
[[File:Austin red guard demonstration.png|thumb|Red guard demonstration in Austin, [[Texas]].]]''see main article: [[Tribune of the People]]''

The publications [[Incendiary News]] and [[Tribune of the People]] have periodically reported on actions occurring around locations of some previous Red Guard activities. However, the actions reported on were carried out by different organizations or carried out anonymously. Photos of graffiti featuring hammers and sickles, Maoist and Gonzaloist slogans, and calls for justice alongside names of people who have been killed by police has been a common feature of the graffiti-related reports.<ref>[https://tribuneofthepeoplenews.wordpress.com/2022/02/11/week-in-struggle-february-4-10/ “Week in Struggle: February 4-10.”] Tribune of the People. February 11, 2022. [https://web.archive.org/web/20220911035005/https://tribuneofthepeoplenews.wordpress.com/2022/02/11/week-in-struggle-february-4-10/ Archived] 2022-09-11.</ref><ref>[https://tribuneofthepeoplenews.wordpress.com/2022/02/25/week-in-struggle-february-18-24/ “Week in Struggle: February 18-24.”] Tribune of the People. February 25, 2022. [https://web.archive.org/web/20220816204006/https://tribuneofthepeoplenews.wordpress.com/2022/02/25/week-in-struggle-february-18-24/ Archived] 2022-09-11.</ref>

Incendiary News ceased publishing in 2020 after its former publisher wrote a self-criticism, citing poor leadership and rightist errors, and endorsed Tribune of the People, with the statement, "I call on all readers, all supporters of ''Incendiary'', to all of its Support Committees, to cast away the stained and tattered paper and support the ''Tribune of the People''."<ref>Ruiz, Ruben. [https://incendiarynewscom.wordpress.com/2020/03/26/to-my-comrades-of-the-former-incendiary-editorial-board-the-tribune-of-the-people-incendiary-support-committees-and-the-revolutionary-movement/ “To My Comrades of the Former Incendiary Editorial Board, the Tribune of the People, Incendiary Support Committees and the Revolutionary Movement.”] March 26, 2020. Incendiary. [https://web.archive.org/web/20220911033300/https://incendiarynewscom.wordpress.com/2020/03/26/to-my-comrades-of-the-former-incendiary-editorial-board-the-tribune-of-the-people-incendiary-support-committees-and-the-revolutionary-movement/ Archived] 2022-09-11.</ref>

==See also==

*[[Communist Party of Peru – Shining Path]]
*[[Red Guard Party]]
*[[Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun]]
*[[Militarized Communist Party of Peru]]
*[[Library:If You Don’t Dare to Struggle, You Don’t Deserve to Win.|If You Don’t Dare to Struggle, You Don’t Deserve to Win (Library)]]

== External links ==

* [https://redguardsaustin.wordpress.com/ Red Guards Austin]
* [https://kcmlm.wordpress.com/ Red Guards Kansas City]
* [https://redguardscharlotte.wordpress.com/ Red Guards Charlotte]
* [https://tampamaoistcollective.wordpress.com/ Tampa Maoist Collective]

== Notes ==
<references group="lower-alpha" />
==References==
<references />
[[Category:Maoism in the United States]]
[[Category:Maoist organisations]]

Slavery in the United States

2023-06-17T05:16:52Z

RedPowerBall: Updating language

[[File:Washington and enslaved Africans.png|thumb|335x335px|Painting of George Washington and enslaved Africans on his estate.]]'''Slavery in the United States''' took the form of [[chattel slavery]]. The practice was prevalent in the [[United States]] from its independence in 1776 until the end of the [[Civil war|Civil War]] in 1865. Primarily employed in the South, enslaved [[Afro-Americans]] were the backbone of the [[plantation economy]] in the US. Throughout this period, enslaved African Americans were collectively reduced to commodities which could be bought and sold for the benefit of White slave owners and had the same legal rights as farm animals.<ref>[https://www.loc.gov/classroom-materials/united-states-history-primary-source-timeline/national-expansion-and-reform-1815-1880/pre-civil-war-african-american-slavery/ Pre-Civil War African-American Slavery]</ref><ref>[https://njsbf.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Theme-One-Background-Info-1.pdf What is Chattel Slavery and how did it dehumanize Black People?]</ref> After the abolition of chattel slavery in the aftermath of the [[Statesian Civil War|American Civil War]] and [[Reconstruction era|Reconstruction]], many of chattel slavery's socio-economic relationships endured through the developments of the [[Jim Crow economy]] and sharecropping.<ref>[https://eji.org/news/history-racial-injustice-sharecropping/ Sharecropping]</ref><ref>[https://wfpc.sanford.duke.edu/north-carolina/durham-food-history/sharecropping-black-land-acquisition-and-white-supremacy-1868-1900/ Sharecropping, Black Land Acquisition, and White Supremacy]</ref>

Prior to the formation of the United States the region had already developed and institutionalized a strict racial caste network built on White racial supremacy over African people. After the independence of the thirteen colonies, abolitionist legislation was gradually implemented in northern states where dependence on slave labor was minimal. As abolitionist movements arose in the aftermath of the American Revolution, supporters of slavery were granted concessions through the three-fifths compromise; a constitutional clause which made southern political power disproportionate in the US House of Representatives and Electoral College by counting Africans in America 3/5ths a person on the US Census.<ref>[https://perspectivesofchange.hms.harvard.edu/node/87#:~:text=The%20Three%2DFifths%20Compromise%20was,for%20legislative%20representation%20and%20taxation. The Three-Fifths Compromise]</ref><ref>[https://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=3&psid=163 The Three Fifths Compromise]</ref><ref>[https://www.thoughtco.com/three-fifths-compromise-4588466 The History of the Three Fifths Compromise]</ref> Despite the Jefferson administration's ban on the importation of slaves, it's enforcement was sporadic and ineffective and smuggling was common practice.<ref>[https://www.perlego.com/book/919800/opposing-the-slavers-the-royal-navys-campaign-against-the-atlantic-slave-trade-pdf Opposing the Slavers: The Royal Navy's Campaign Against the Atlantic Slave Trade]</ref>

Contrary to a commonly held belief of the time that the peculiar institution would die down, the invention of the cotton gin by Eli Whitney and the subsequent mechanization of the seed separation process led to the dramatic rise in the cotton productivity and demand for slaves. As a result of this new growing labor demand, enslaved Africans were often sold and transported from the Upper South to Deep South plantations. Coinciding with US territorial expansion, planter elites made efforts to expand slavery into new territories, resulting in the formation of the [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican Party]] in 1854. Tensions between the north and south continued as the Republicans gradually obtained political power in northern states and pushed for limiting slavery's expansion while the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] and its [[Southern Aristocracy]] supporters saw the Republicans as a threat to chattel slavery. In the midst of developing tensions between the two camps, religious denominations split over the issue of slavery into regional organizations of the North and South.

The elevation of [[Abraham Lincoln]] into the Presidency in 1860 on the platform of halting the expansion of slavery was the catalyst for the development of the [[Confederate States of America (1861–1865)|Confederate States of America]], starting with the succession of [[South Carolina]] which broke off from the Union before Lincoln's confirmation. At the inception of the Confederacy, 1/3rd of its inhabitants were enslaved Africans<ref>[https://www.jstor.org/stable/4285456 Conflict and Collaboration: Yeomen, Slaveholders, and Politics in the Antebellum South]</ref> and the states of [[Mississippi]] and South Carolina held a solid Afro-American majority.<ref>[https://raogk.org/census-records/1860-census/ 1860 Census: Population of the United States]</ref> In response to the siege of Fort Sumter by South Carolina militias, the Lincoln Administration called for a seventy-five thousand man militia to suppress the Confederate States. Wartime developments like the Emancipation Proclamation effectively ended chattel slavery in most of the south. Chattel slavery would persist in Kentucky until December 1965 as a result of the ratification of the 13th amendment.

=== Transatlantic Slave Trade ===

==== Black <nowiki>''American''</nowiki> African Ancestry ====

==== Conditions ====

==== Middle Passage ====

==== The First Enslaved Peoples ====

=== Slavery in British America ===

==== John Punch Case ====

=== Slavery in the American Colonies ===

==== Slave Codes ====

=== Enslaved People during the American Revolution ===

=== Slave Rebellions and Black Americans in Slave Society ===

=== The United States Constitution with the Issue of Slavery ===

=== White Settler Colonialism's Justifications for Slavery and White Supremacy ===

==== <nowiki>''Logical''</nowiki> Justification ====
[[Peasantry|Yeoman farmers]], who typically did not own slave labor, made up the majority of whites in southern society. They generally believed in and sided with the institution of slavery but also occasionally challenged the goals of the planter elite; especially on the western frontier of the U.S where they advocated for the gradual abolition of slavery. In efforts to justify the existence of the peculiar institution, southern aristocrats often sponsored white supremacist campaigns in both media and academia. With the three-fifths compromise, giving elite whites political power in congress, white elite planters also consolidated power, by making loans to those in need, hiring poor whites for work, as well as using resources to transport crops of yeoman farmers to the market. Even if some yeoman farmers didn't participate in the institution of slavery, they had major incentives not to end it because white settler colonial elites had made white society dependent upon themselves. White settler-colonialism, and its justification for the institution for slavery, was a political and economic move, to coerce, and influence those in slavery, and those who didn't contribute to slavery as much as actual slave owners, to disprove the evils, and horrors of slavery and to justify its evil to end it. The white settler elite created the idea of white supremacy to uphold white society together under elitist control. The idea that all whites were equal and superior towards black African slaves, was not in question due to the lower, and poor white farmers, who either did or did not support the idea of white supremacy, not having any benefits to opposing the idea of it, since the elite white farmers did in fact keep the yeoman poor farmers alive, and sustainable. Two justifying phrases include those that explain slavery, as a <nowiki>''</nowiki>necessary evil<nowiki>''</nowiki> or a <nowiki>''</nowiki>positive good<nowiki>''</nowiki>. [[John C. Calhoun]] noted that:

<nowiki>''</nowiki>I hold that in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding States between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good - positive good... There never has yet existed a wealthy and civilized society in which one portion of the community did not, in point of fact, live on the labor of the other. Broad and general as is this assertion, it is fully borne out by history... I fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the South, against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions.<nowiki>''</nowiki>

Explaining the <nowiki>''inherent'', and ''moral'', as well as, ''necessary''</nowiki>, domination of the white race over the black, race bound southern society together. The planter elite and forged a unbreakable tie with the lower white classes and established a stronghold on southern culture.

==== White Settler Colonialism's Religious Justification, Quakers, & Counterarguments ====

==== George Fox ====

==== Germantown Quaker Protest & Petition Against Slavery ====

=== Enslaved Women in America ===

==== Phillis Wheatley ====

=== The Underground Railroad ===

=== Abolitionist Movement ===

=== Black Americans During the Civil War ===

=== Emancipation Proclamation ===

=== Reconstruction ===

==== Sharecropping ====

=== Jim Crow Era ===

== References ==

Slavery in the United States

2023-06-17T05:15:33Z

RedPowerBall: Updated some grammar

[[File:Washington and enslaved Africans.png|thumb|335x335px|Painting of George Washington and enslaved Africans on his estate.]]'''Slavery in the United States''' took the form of [[chattel slavery]]. The practice was prevalent in the [[United States]] from independence in 1776 until the end of the civil war in 1865. Primarily employed in the South, enslaved [[Afro-Americans]] were the backbone of the [[plantation economy]] in the US. Throughout this period, enslaved African Americans were collectively reduced to commodities which could be bought and sold for the benefit of White slave owners and had the same legal rights as farm animals.<ref>[https://www.loc.gov/classroom-materials/united-states-history-primary-source-timeline/national-expansion-and-reform-1815-1880/pre-civil-war-african-american-slavery/ Pre-Civil War African-American Slavery]</ref><ref>[https://njsbf.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Theme-One-Background-Info-1.pdf What is Chattel Slavery and how did it dehumanize Black People?]</ref> After the abolition of chattel slavery in the aftermath of the [[Statesian Civil War|American Civil War]] and [[Reconstruction era|Reconstruction]], many of chattel slavery's socio-economic relationships endured through the developments of the [[Jim Crow economy]] and sharecropping.<ref>[https://eji.org/news/history-racial-injustice-sharecropping/ Sharecropping]</ref><ref>[https://wfpc.sanford.duke.edu/north-carolina/durham-food-history/sharecropping-black-land-acquisition-and-white-supremacy-1868-1900/ Sharecropping, Black Land Acquisition, and White Supremacy]</ref>

Prior to the formation of the United States the region had already developed and institutionalized a strict racial caste network built on White racial supremacy over African people. After the independence of the thirteen colonies, abolitionist legislation was gradually implemented in northern states where dependence on slave labor was minimal. As abolitionist movements arose in the aftermath of the American Revolution, supporters of slavery were granted concessions through the three-fifths compromise; a constitutional clause which made southern political power disproportionate in the US House of Representatives and Electoral College by counting Africans in America 3/5ths a person on the US Census.<ref>[https://perspectivesofchange.hms.harvard.edu/node/87#:~:text=The%20Three%2DFifths%20Compromise%20was,for%20legislative%20representation%20and%20taxation. The Three-Fifths Compromise]</ref><ref>[https://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=3&psid=163 The Three Fifths Compromise]</ref><ref>[https://www.thoughtco.com/three-fifths-compromise-4588466 The History of the Three Fifths Compromise]</ref> Despite the Jefferson administration's ban on the importation of slaves, it's enforcement was sporadic and ineffective and smuggling was common practice.<ref>[https://www.perlego.com/book/919800/opposing-the-slavers-the-royal-navys-campaign-against-the-atlantic-slave-trade-pdf Opposing the Slavers: The Royal Navy's Campaign Against the Atlantic Slave Trade]</ref>

Contrary to a commonly held belief of the time that the peculiar institution would die down, the invention of the cotton gin by Eli Whitney and the subsequent mechanization of the seed separation process led to the dramatic rise in the cotton productivity and demand for slaves. As a result of this new growing labor demand, enslaved Africans were often sold and transported from the Upper South to Deep South plantations. Coinciding with US territorial expansion, planter elites made efforts to expand slavery into new territories, resulting in the formation of the [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican Party]] in 1854. Tensions between the north and south continued as the Republicans gradually obtained political power in northern states and pushed for limiting slavery's expansion while the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] and its [[Southern Aristocracy]] supporters saw the Republicans as a threat to chattel slavery. In the midst of developing tensions between the two camps, religious denominations split over the issue of slavery into regional organizations of the North and South.

The elevation of [[Abraham Lincoln]] into the Presidency in 1860 on the platform of halting the expansion of slavery was the catalyst for the development of the [[Confederate States of America (1861–1865)|Confederate States of America]], starting with the succession of [[South Carolina]] which broke off from the Union before Lincoln's confirmation. At the inception of the Confederacy, 1/3rd of its inhabitants were enslaved Africans<ref>[https://www.jstor.org/stable/4285456 Conflict and Collaboration: Yeomen, Slaveholders, and Politics in the Antebellum South]</ref> and the states of [[Mississippi]] and South Carolina held a solid Afro-American majority.<ref>[https://raogk.org/census-records/1860-census/ 1860 Census: Population of the United States]</ref> In response to the siege of Fort Sumter by South Carolina militias, the Lincoln Administration called for a seventy-five thousand man militia to suppress the Confederate States. Wartime developments like the Emancipation Proclamation effectively ended chattel slavery in most of the south. Chattel slavery would persist in Kentucky until December 1965 as a result of the ratification of the 13th amendment.

=== Transatlantic Slave Trade ===

==== Black <nowiki>''American''</nowiki> African Ancestry ====

==== Conditions ====

==== Middle Passage ====

==== The First Enslaved Peoples ====

=== Slavery in British America ===

==== John Punch Case ====

=== Slavery in the American Colonies ===

==== Slave Codes ====

=== Enslaved People during the American Revolution ===

=== Slave Rebellions and Black Americans in Slave Society ===

=== The United States Constitution with the Issue of Slavery ===

=== White Settler Colonialism's Justifications for Slavery and White Supremacy ===

==== <nowiki>''Logical''</nowiki> Justification ====
[[Peasantry|Yeoman farmers]], who typically did not own slave labor, made up the majority of whites in southern society. They generally believed in and sided with the institution of slavery but also occasionally challenged the goals of the planter elite; especially on the western frontier of the U.S where they advocated for the gradual abolition of slavery. In efforts to justify the existence of the peculiar institution, southern aristocrats often sponsored white supremacist campaigns in both media and academia. With the three-fifths compromise, giving elite whites political power in congress, white elite planters also consolidated power, by making loans to those in need, hiring poor whites for work, as well as using resources to transport crops of yeoman farmers to the market. Even if some yeoman farmers didn't participate in the institution of slavery, they had major incentives not to end it because white settler colonial elites had made white society dependent upon themselves. White settler-colonialism, and its justification for the institution for slavery, was a political and economic move, to coerce, and influence those in slavery, and those who didn't contribute to slavery as much as actual slave owners, to disprove the evils, and horrors of slavery and to justify its evil to end it. The white settler elite created the idea of white supremacy to uphold white society together under elitist control. The idea that all whites were equal and superior towards black African slaves, was not in question due to the lower, and poor white farmers, who either did or did not support the idea of white supremacy, not having any benefits to opposing the idea of it, since the elite white farmers did in fact keep the yeoman poor farmers alive, and sustainable. Two justifying phrases include those that explain slavery, as a <nowiki>''</nowiki>necessary evil<nowiki>''</nowiki> or a <nowiki>''</nowiki>positive good<nowiki>''</nowiki>. [[John C. Calhoun]] noted that:

<nowiki>''</nowiki>I hold that in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding States between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good - positive good... There never has yet existed a wealthy and civilized society in which one portion of the community did not, in point of fact, live on the labor of the other. Broad and general as is this assertion, it is fully borne out by history... I fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the South, against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions.<nowiki>''</nowiki>

Explaining the <nowiki>''inherent'', and ''moral'', as well as, ''necessary''</nowiki>, domination of the white race over the black, race bound southern society together. The planter elite and forged a unbreakable tie with the lower white classes and established a stronghold on southern culture.

==== White Settler Colonialism's Religious Justification, Quakers, & Counterarguments ====

==== George Fox ====

==== Germantown Quaker Protest & Petition Against Slavery ====

=== Enslaved Women in America ===

==== Phillis Wheatley ====

=== The Underground Railroad ===

=== Abolitionist Movement ===

=== Black Americans During the Civil War ===

=== Emancipation Proclamation ===

=== Reconstruction ===

==== Sharecropping ====

=== Jim Crow Era ===

== References ==

Slavery in the United States

2023-06-17T05:10:26Z

RedPowerBall: Removing unnecessary header

[[File:Washington and enslaved Africans.png|thumb|335x335px|Painting of George Washington and enslaved Africans on his estate.]]'''Slavery in the United States''' took form in the institution of human chattel slavery, which it inherited from its colonial predecessors. The practice was prevalent from independence in 1776 until the end of the civil war in 1865. Primarily employed in the South, enslaved [[Afro-Americans]] were the backbone of the [[plantation economy]] in the US. Throughout this period, enslaved African Americans were collectively reduced to commodities which could be bought and sold for the benefit of White slave owners and had the same legal rights as farm animals.<ref>[https://www.loc.gov/classroom-materials/united-states-history-primary-source-timeline/national-expansion-and-reform-1815-1880/pre-civil-war-african-american-slavery/ Pre-Civil War African-American Slavery]</ref><ref>[https://njsbf.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Theme-One-Background-Info-1.pdf What is Chattel Slavery and how did it dehumanize Black People?]</ref> After the abolition of chattel slavery in the aftermath of the [[Statesian Civil War|American Civil War]] and [[Reconstruction era|Reconstruction]], many of chattel slavery's socio-economic relationships endured through the developments of the [[Jim Crow economy]] and sharecropping.<ref>[https://eji.org/news/history-racial-injustice-sharecropping/ Sharecropping]</ref><ref>[https://wfpc.sanford.duke.edu/north-carolina/durham-food-history/sharecropping-black-land-acquisition-and-white-supremacy-1868-1900/ Sharecropping, Black Land Acquisition, and White Supremacy]</ref>

Prior to the formation of the United States the region had already developed and institutionalized a strict racial caste network built on White racial supremacy over African people. After the independence of the thirteen colonies, abolitionist legislation was gradually implemented in northern states where dependence on slave labor was minimal. As abolitionist movements arose in the aftermath of the American Revolution, supporters of slavery were granted concessions through the three-fifths compromise; a constitutional clause which made southern political power disproportionate in the US House of Representatives and Electoral College by counting Africans in America 3/5ths a person on the US Census.<ref>[https://perspectivesofchange.hms.harvard.edu/node/87#:~:text=The%20Three%2DFifths%20Compromise%20was,for%20legislative%20representation%20and%20taxation. The Three-Fifths Compromise]</ref><ref>[https://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=3&psid=163 The Three Fifths Compromise]</ref><ref>[https://www.thoughtco.com/three-fifths-compromise-4588466 The History of the Three Fifths Compromise]</ref> Despite the Jefferson administration's ban on the importation of slaves, it's enforcement was sporadic and ineffective and smuggling was common practice.<ref>[https://www.perlego.com/book/919800/opposing-the-slavers-the-royal-navys-campaign-against-the-atlantic-slave-trade-pdf Opposing the Slavers: The Royal Navy's Campaign Against the Atlantic Slave Trade]</ref>

Contrary to a commonly held belief of the time that the peculiar institution would die down, the invention of the cotton gin by Eli Whitney and the subsequent mechanization of the seed separation process led to the dramatic rise in the cotton productivity and demand for slaves. As a result of this new growing labor demand, enslaved Africans were often sold and transported from the Upper South to Deep South plantations. Coinciding with US territorial expansion, planter elites made efforts to expand slavery into new territories, resulting in the formation of the [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican Party]] in 1854. Tensions between the north and south continued as the Republicans gradually obtained political power in northern states and pushed for limiting slavery's expansion while the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] and its [[Southern Aristocracy]] supporters saw the Republicans as a threat to chattel slavery. In the midst of developing tensions between the two camps, religious denominations split over the issue of slavery into regional organizations of the North and South.

The elevation of [[Abraham Lincoln]] into the Presidency in 1860 on the platform of halting the expansion of slavery was the catalyst for the development of the [[Confederate States of America (1861–1865)|Confederate States of America]], starting with the succession of [[South Carolina]] which broke off from the Union before Lincoln's confirmation. At the inception of the Confederacy, 1/3rd of its inhabitants were enslaved Africans<ref>[https://www.jstor.org/stable/4285456 Conflict and Collaboration: Yeomen, Slaveholders, and Politics in the Antebellum South]</ref> and the states of [[Mississippi]] and South Carolina held a solid Afro-American majority.<ref>[https://raogk.org/census-records/1860-census/ 1860 Census: Population of the United States]</ref> In response to the siege of Fort Sumter by South Carolina militias, the Lincoln Administration called for a seventy-five thousand man militia to suppress the Confederate States. Wartime developments like the Emancipation Proclamation effectively ended chattel slavery in most of the south. Chattel slavery would persist in Kentucky until December 1965 as a result of the ratification of the 13th amendment.

=== Transatlantic Slave Trade ===

==== Black <nowiki>''American''</nowiki> African Ancestry ====

==== Conditions ====

==== Middle Passage ====

==== The First Enslaved Peoples ====

=== Slavery in British America ===

==== John Punch Case ====

=== Slavery in the American Colonies ===

==== Slave Codes ====

=== Enslaved People during the American Revolution ===

=== Slave Rebellions and Black Americans in Slave Society ===

=== The United States Constitution with the Issue of Slavery ===

=== White Settler Colonialism's Justifications for Slavery and White Supremacy ===

==== <nowiki>''Logical''</nowiki> Justification ====
[[Peasantry|Yeoman farmers]], who typically did not own slave labor, made up the majority of whites in southern society. They generally believed in and sided with the institution of slavery but also occasionally challenged the goals of the planter elite; especially on the western frontier of the U.S where they advocated for the gradual abolition of slavery. In efforts to justify the existence of the peculiar institution, southern aristocrats often sponsored white supremacist campaigns in both media and academia. With the three-fifths compromise, giving elite whites political power in congress, white elite planters also consolidated power, by making loans to those in need, hiring poor whites for work, as well as using resources to transport crops of yeoman farmers to the market. Even if some yeoman farmers didn't participate in the institution of slavery, they had major incentives not to end it because white settler colonial elites had made white society dependent upon themselves. White settler-colonialism, and its justification for the institution for slavery, was a political and economic move, to coerce, and influence those in slavery, and those who didn't contribute to slavery as much as actual slave owners, to disprove the evils, and horrors of slavery and to justify its evil to end it. The white settler elite created the idea of white supremacy to uphold white society together under elitist control. The idea that all whites were equal and superior towards black African slaves, was not in question due to the lower, and poor white farmers, who either did or did not support the idea of white supremacy, not having any benefits to opposing the idea of it, since the elite white farmers did in fact keep the yeoman poor farmers alive, and sustainable. Two justifying phrases include those that explain slavery, as a <nowiki>''</nowiki>necessary evil<nowiki>''</nowiki> or a <nowiki>''</nowiki>positive good<nowiki>''</nowiki>. [[John C. Calhoun]] noted that:

<nowiki>''</nowiki>I hold that in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding States between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good - positive good... There never has yet existed a wealthy and civilized society in which one portion of the community did not, in point of fact, live on the labor of the other. Broad and general as is this assertion, it is fully borne out by history... I fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the South, against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions.<nowiki>''</nowiki>

Explaining the <nowiki>''inherent'', and ''moral'', as well as, ''necessary''</nowiki>, domination of the white race over the black, race bound southern society together. The planter elite and forged a unbreakable tie with the lower white classes and established a stronghold on southern culture.

==== White Settler Colonialism's Religious Justification, Quakers, & Counterarguments ====

==== George Fox ====

==== Germantown Quaker Protest & Petition Against Slavery ====

=== Enslaved Women in America ===

==== Phillis Wheatley ====

=== The Underground Railroad ===

=== Abolitionist Movement ===

=== Black Americans During the Civil War ===

=== Emancipation Proclamation ===

=== Reconstruction ===

==== Sharecropping ====

=== Jim Crow Era ===

== References ==

George Jackson

2023-06-16T21:39:37Z

RedPowerBall: Updating headings

{{Infobox person|name=George Jackson|birth_date=September 23, 1941|death_date=August 21, 1971|death_cause=Assassination|death_place=San Quentin prison, [[California]], United States|nationality=New Afrikan|birth_place=Chicago, [[Illinois]], [[United States of America|United States]]|image=George Jackson.png}}

'''George Lester Jackson''' (September 23, 1941 – August 21, 1971) was a [[United States of America|Statesian]] revolutionary, organizer for the [[Black Panther Party]], [[Marxism–Leninism|Marxist–Leninist]] theorist, and political prisoner. He was the older brother of [[Jonathan Jackson]].

Jackson's initial experience with law enforcement was when he was fourteen years old, when he was arrested in [[Chicago|Chicago, IL]] for stealing a purse. From then on his life was filled with the constant presence of law enforcement.<ref name=":0">{{Citation|author=George Jackson|year=1990|title=Blood In My Eye|chapter=|page=x, xii, 193-194|city=Baltimore|publisher=Black Classic Press|isbn=9780933121232}}</ref>

Jackson gained a criminal history from his oppressive material conditions. Jackson was given an indeterminate sentence of one year to life when convicted at eighteen years old for stealing $70 from a gas station.<ref name=":0" /> Inside prison he was subject to terrible conditions and police torture.

Jackson learned [[Marxism–Leninism]] during his time in prison, with the help of other prisoners that he formed early bonds with.

On February 28th, 1970 Jackson and two other inmates (Fleeta Drumgo, John Clutchette) were charged with the murder of a white prison guard following following the grisly shooting murder of three black inmates by prison guards. Murders which occurred during a fight that broke out between white inmates and black inmates.

Jackson was shot and killed on August 21, 1971 during a rebellion at San Quentin prison.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Tribute to Comrade George Lester Jackson|date=2009-08-21|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220107094750/https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-date=2022-01-07|retrieved=2022-11-22}}</ref>

=== Black Panther Party ===
When George Jackson learned that [[Huey P. Newton]] went to the [https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/cmc/ California Penal Colony] in 1967, Jackson put the word out that he wanted to be involved in revolutionary work for the [[Black Panther Party]]. The party obliged and so Jackson was made a member of the [[People's Revolutionary Army]] with the rank of general and field marshal. Jackson was put in charge of prison recruiting and to live life as an example revolutionary. <ref name=":0" />

=== Soledad Prison Conditions ===
When George Jackson was in prison he was mentally and physically tortured for being a revolutionary. Jackson had sympathy and support of many prisoners in Soledad due to his leadership and prowess in prison organizing. He gained notoriety that Soledad correctional forces punished him severely for.

It was an open fact that correctional forces wanted Jackson dead, so they would put bounties on Jackson.<ref name=":0" />

==== Solitary Confinement ====

Jackson spent solitary confinement time in the infamous strip cells of Soledad Prison's "O" Wing. Below is a description of such a cell:<blockquote>"A 6 by 8 cell with no protection from wet weather, deprived of all items with which he [Jackson] might clean himself, forced to eat in the stench and filth caused by his own body wastes, allowed to wash his hands only once every five days and required to sleep on a stiff canvas mat placed directly on the cold canvas floor"<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>

=== Literature ===
* ''[[Soledad Brother]]'' (1970)
* ''[[Blood In My Eye]]'' (1972)

== References ==
[[Category:Statesian political prisoners]]
[[Category:Black Panther Party]]

George Jackson

2023-06-16T20:36:29Z

RedPowerBall: letter change from marxism to marxist

{{Infobox person|name=George Jackson|birth_date=September 23, 1941|death_date=August 21, 1971|death_cause=Assassination|death_place=San Quentin prison, [[California]], United States|nationality=New Afrikan|birth_place=Chicago, [[Illinois]], [[United States of America|United States]]|image=George Jackson.png}}

'''George Lester Jackson''' (September 23, 1941 – August 21, 1971) was a [[United States of America|Statesian]] revolutionary, organizer for the [[Black Panther Party]], [[Marxism–Leninism|Marxist–Leninist]] theorist, and political prisoner. He was the older brother of [[Jonathan Jackson]].

Jackson's initial experience with law enforcement was when he was fourteen years old, when he was arrested in [[Chicago|Chicago, IL]] for stealing a purse. From then on his life was filled with the constant presence of law enforcement.<ref name=":0">{{Citation|author=George Jackson|year=1990|title=Blood In My Eye|chapter=|page=x, xii, 193-194|city=Baltimore|publisher=Black Classic Press|isbn=9780933121232}}</ref>

Jackson gained a criminal history from his oppressive material conditions. Jackson was given an indeterminate sentence of one year to life when convicted at eighteen years old for stealing $70 from a gas station.<ref name=":0" /> Inside prison he was subject to terrible conditions and police torture.

Jackson learned [[Marxism–Leninism]] during his time in prison, with the help of other prisoners that he formed early bonds with.

On February 28th, 1970 Jackson and two other inmates (Fleeta Drumgo, John Clutchette) were charged with the murder of a white prison guard following following the grisly shooting murder of three black inmates by prison guards. Murders which occurred during a fight that broke out between white inmates and black inmates.

Jackson was shot and killed on August 21, 1971 during a rebellion at San Quentin prison.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Tribute to Comrade George Lester Jackson|date=2009-08-21|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220107094750/https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-date=2022-01-07|retrieved=2022-11-22}}</ref>

== Black Panther Party ==
When George Jackson learned that [[Huey P. Newton]] went to the [https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/cmc/ California Penal Colony] in 1967, Jackson put the word out that he wanted to be involved in revolutionary work for the [[Black Panther Party]]. The party obliged and so Jackson was made a member of the [[People's Revolutionary Army]] with the rank of general and field marshal. Jackson was put in charge of prison recruiting and to live life as an example revolutionary. <ref name=":0" />

== Soledad Prison Conditions ==
When George Jackson was in prison he was mentally and physically tortured for being a revolutionary. Jackson had sympathy and support of many prisoners in Soledad due to his leadership and prowess in prison organizing. He gained notoriety that Soledad correctional forces punished him severely for.

It was an open fact that correctional forces wanted Jackson dead, so they would put bounties on Jackson.<ref name=":0" />

=== Solitary Confinement ===
Jackson spent solitary confinement time in the infamous strip cells of Soledad Prison's "O" Wing. Below is a description of such a cell:<blockquote>"A 6 by 8 cell with no protection from wet weather, deprived of all items with which he [Jackson] might clean himself, forced to eat in the stench and filth caused by his own body wastes, allowed to wash his hands only once every five days and required to sleep on a stiff canvas mat placed directly on the cold canvas floor"<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>

== Literature ==

* ''[[Soledad Brother]]'' (1970)
* ''[[Blood In My Eye]]'' (1972)

== References ==
[[Category:Statesian political prisoners]]
[[Category:Black Panther Party]]

George Jackson

2023-06-16T20:35:25Z

RedPowerBall: Added to prison conditions, added solitary confinement section

{{Infobox person|name=George Jackson|birth_date=September 23, 1941|death_date=August 21, 1971|death_cause=Assassination|death_place=San Quentin prison, [[California]], United States|nationality=New Afrikan|birth_place=Chicago, [[Illinois]], [[United States of America|United States]]|image=George Jackson.png}}

'''George Lester Jackson''' (September 23, 1941 – August 21, 1971) was a [[United States of America|Statesian]] revolutionary, organizer for the [[Black Panther Party]], [[Marxism–Leninism|Marxism–Leninist]] theorist, and political prisoner. He was the older brother of [[Jonathan Jackson]].

Jackson's initial experience with law enforcement was when he was fourteen years old, when he was arrested in [[Chicago|Chicago, IL]] for stealing a purse. From then on his life was filled with the constant presence of law enforcement.<ref name=":0">{{Citation|author=George Jackson|year=1990|title=Blood In My Eye|chapter=|page=x, xii, 193-194|city=Baltimore|publisher=Black Classic Press|isbn=9780933121232}}</ref>

Jackson gained a criminal history from his oppressive material conditions. Jackson was given an indeterminate sentence of one year to life when convicted at eighteen years old for stealing $70 from a gas station.<ref name=":0" /> Inside prison he was subject to terrible conditions and police torture.

Jackson learned [[Marxism–Leninism]] during his time in prison, with the help of other prisoners that he formed early bonds with.

On February 28th, 1970 Jackson and two other inmates (Fleeta Drumgo, John Clutchette) were charged with the murder of a white prison guard following following the grisly shooting murder of three black inmates by prison guards. Murders which occurred during a fight that broke out between white inmates and black inmates.

Jackson was shot and killed on August 21, 1971 during a rebellion at San Quentin prison.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Tribute to Comrade George Lester Jackson|date=2009-08-21|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220107094750/https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-date=2022-01-07|retrieved=2022-11-22}}</ref>

== Black Panther Party ==
When George Jackson learned that [[Huey P. Newton]] went to the [https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/cmc/ California Penal Colony] in 1967, Jackson put the word out that he wanted to be involved in revolutionary work for the [[Black Panther Party]]. The party obliged and so Jackson was made a member of the [[People's Revolutionary Army]] with the rank of general and field marshal. Jackson was put in charge of prison recruiting and to live life as an example revolutionary. <ref name=":0" />

== Soledad Prison Conditions ==
When George Jackson was in prison he was mentally and physically tortured for being a revolutionary. Jackson had sympathy and support of many prisoners in Soledad due to his leadership and prowess in prison organizing. He gained notoriety that Soledad correctional forces punished him severely for.

It was an open fact that correctional forces wanted Jackson dead, so they would put bounties on Jackson.<ref name=":0" />

=== Solitary Confinement ===
Jackson spent solitary confinement time in the infamous strip cells of Soledad Prison's "O" Wing. Below is a description of such a cell:<blockquote>"A 6 by 8 cell with no protection from wet weather, deprived of all items with which he [Jackson] might clean himself, forced to eat in the stench and filth caused by his own body wastes, allowed to wash his hands only once every five days and required to sleep on a stiff canvas mat placed directly on the cold canvas floor"<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>

== Literature ==

* ''[[Soledad Brother]]'' (1970)
* ''[[Blood In My Eye]]'' (1972)

== References ==
[[Category:Statesian political prisoners]]
[[Category:Black Panther Party]]

George Jackson

2023-06-16T18:44:16Z

RedPowerBall: /* Literature */ Removing unnecessary text

{{Infobox person|name=George Jackson|birth_date=September 23, 1941|death_date=August 21, 1971|death_cause=Assassination|death_place=San Quentin prison, [[California]], United States|nationality=New Afrikan|birth_place=Chicago, [[Illinois]], [[United States of America|United States]]|image=George Jackson.png}}

'''George Lester Jackson''' (September 23, 1941 – August 21, 1971) was a [[United States of America|Statesian]] revolutionary and political prisoner. He was the older brother of [[Jonathan Jackson]].

Jackson's initial experience with Amerikan law enforcement was when he was fourteen years old, when he was arrested in [[Chicago|Chicago, IL]] for stealing a purse. From then on his life was filled with the constant presence of law enforcement and punitive measures from being caught.<ref name=":0">{{Citation|author=George Jackson|year=1990|title=Blood In My Eye|chapter=|page=x, xii, 193-194|city=Baltimore|publisher=Black Classic Press|isbn=9780933121232}}</ref>

When Jackson was eighteen he was convicted of stealing $70 from a gas station and was given an indeterminate sentence of one year to life.<ref name=":0" /> Inside prison he was subject to terrible conditions and police torture.

Jackson learned [[Marxism–Leninism]] during his time in prison, with the help of other prisoners that he formed early bonds with. While in prison, Jackson also joined the [[Black Panther Party]].

On February 28th, 1970 Jackson and two other inmates (Fleeta Drumgo, John Clutchette) were charged with the murder of a white prison guard following following the grisly shooting murder of three black inmates by prison guards. Murders which occurred during a fight that broke out between white inmates and black inmates.

Jackson was shot and killed on August 21, 1971 during a rebellion at San Quentin prison.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Tribute to Comrade George Lester Jackson|date=2009-08-21|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220107094750/https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-date=2022-01-07|retrieved=2022-11-22}}</ref>

== Black Panther Party ==
When George Jackson learned that [[Huey P. Newton]] went to the [https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/cmc/ California Penal Colony] in 1967, Jackson put the word out that he wanted to be involved in revolutionary work for the [[Black Panther Party]]. The party obliged and so Jackson was made a member of the [[People's Revolutionary Army]] with the rank of general and field marshal. Jackson was put in charge of prison recruiting and to live life as an example revolutionary. <ref name=":0" />

== Soledad Prison Conditions ==
When George Jackson was in prison he was mentally and physically tortured due to his prowess in organizing in the jails. Jackson spent solitary confinement time in the infamous strip cells of Soledad Prison's "O" Wing. Below is a description of such a cell:<blockquote>"A 6 by 8 cell with no protection from wet weather, deprived of all items with which he [Jackson] might clean himself, forced to eat in the stench and filth caused by his own body wastes, allowed to wash his hands only once every five days and required to sleep on a stiff canvas mat placed directly on the cold canvas floor"<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>

== Literature ==

* ''[[Soledad Brother]]'' (1970)
* ''[[Blood In My Eye]]'' (1972)

== References ==
[[Category:Statesian political prisoners]]
[[Category:Black Panther Party]]

George Jackson

2023-06-16T18:43:10Z

RedPowerBall: Added Black Panther Party section and edited some of the main text

{{Infobox person|name=George Jackson|birth_date=September 23, 1941|death_date=August 21, 1971|death_cause=Assassination|death_place=San Quentin prison, [[California]], United States|nationality=New Afrikan|birth_place=Chicago, [[Illinois]], [[United States of America|United States]]|image=George Jackson.png}}

'''George Lester Jackson''' (September 23, 1941 – August 21, 1971) was a [[United States of America|Statesian]] revolutionary and political prisoner. He was the older brother of [[Jonathan Jackson]].

Jackson's initial experience with Amerikan law enforcement was when he was fourteen years old, when he was arrested in [[Chicago|Chicago, IL]] for stealing a purse. From then on his life was filled with the constant presence of law enforcement and punitive measures from being caught.<ref name=":0">{{Citation|author=George Jackson|year=1990|title=Blood In My Eye|chapter=|page=x, xii, 193-194|city=Baltimore|publisher=Black Classic Press|isbn=9780933121232}}</ref>

When Jackson was eighteen he was convicted of stealing $70 from a gas station and was given an indeterminate sentence of one year to life.<ref name=":0" /> Inside prison he was subject to terrible conditions and police torture.

Jackson learned [[Marxism–Leninism]] during his time in prison, with the help of other prisoners that he formed early bonds with. While in prison, Jackson also joined the [[Black Panther Party]].

On February 28th, 1970 Jackson and two other inmates (Fleeta Drumgo, John Clutchette) were charged with the murder of a white prison guard following following the grisly shooting murder of three black inmates by prison guards. Murders which occurred during a fight that broke out between white inmates and black inmates.

Jackson was shot and killed on August 21, 1971 during a rebellion at San Quentin prison.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Tribute to Comrade George Lester Jackson|date=2009-08-21|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220107094750/https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-date=2022-01-07|retrieved=2022-11-22}}</ref>

== Black Panther Party ==
When George Jackson learned that [[Huey P. Newton]] went to the [https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/cmc/ California Penal Colony] in 1967, Jackson put the word out that he wanted to be involved in revolutionary work for the [[Black Panther Party]]. The party obliged and so Jackson was made a member of the [[People's Revolutionary Army]] with the rank of general and field marshal. Jackson was put in charge of prison recruiting and to live life as an example revolutionary. <ref name=":0" />

== Soledad Prison Conditions ==
When George Jackson was in prison he was mentally and physically tortured due to his prowess in organizing in the jails. Jackson spent solitary confinement time in the infamous strip cells of Soledad Prison's "O" Wing. Below is a description of such a cell:<blockquote>"A 6 by 8 cell with no protection from wet weather, deprived of all items with which he [Jackson] might clean himself, forced to eat in the stench and filth caused by his own body wastes, allowed to wash his hands only once every five days and required to sleep on a stiff canvas mat placed directly on the cold canvas floor"<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>

== Literature ==

* ''[[Soledad Brother]]'' (1970) - Thoughts on Fascism, How the Amerikan accepts it, Prestige in Capitalist Society, Organizational work for the revolution
* ''[[Blood In My Eye]]'' (1972)

== References ==
[[Category:Statesian political prisoners]]
[[Category:Black Panther Party]]

George Jackson

2023-06-16T17:44:22Z

RedPowerBall: Updated the page, included references from Blood in my eye, added literature that he wrote

{{Infobox person|name=George Jackson|birth_date=September 23, 1941|death_date=August 21, 1971|death_cause=Assassination|death_place=San Quentin prison, [[California]], United States|nationality=New Afrikan|birth_place=Chicago, [[Illinois]], [[United States of America|United States]]|image=George Jackson.png}}

'''George Lester Jackson''' (September 23, 1941 – August 21, 1971) was a [[United States of America|Statesian]] revolutionary and political prisoner. He was the older brother of [[Jonathan Jackson]].

Jackson's initial experience with Amerikan law enforcement was when he was fourteen years old, when he was arrested in [[Chicago|Chicago, IL]] for stealing a purse. From then on his life was filled with the constant presence of law enforcement and punitive measures from being caught.<ref name=":0">{{Citation|author=George Jackson|year=1990|title=Blood In My Eye|chapter=Preface|page=x, xii|city=Baltimore|publisher=Black Classic Press|isbn=9780933121232}}</ref>

When Jackson was eighteen he was convicted of stealing $70 from a gas station and was given an indeterminate sentence of one year to life.<ref name=":0" /> Inside prison he was subject to terrible conditions and police torture.

After learning of Jackson began organizing inside prison and became a field marshal for the [[Black Panther Party]]. On February 28th, 1970 Jackson and two other inmates (Fleeta Drumgo, John Clutchette) were charged with the murder of a white prison guard following following the grisly shooting murder of three black inmates by prison guards. Murders which occurred during a fight that broke out between white inmates and black inmates.

Jackson was shot and killed on August 21, 1971 during a rebellion at San Quentin prison.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Tribute to Comrade George Lester Jackson|date=2009-08-21|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220107094750/https://www.liberationnews.org/09-08-21-tribute-to-comrade-george-lester-html/|archive-date=2022-01-07|retrieved=2022-11-22}}</ref>

== Soledad Prison Conditions ==
When George Jackson was in prison he was mentally and physically tortured due to his prowess in organizing in the jails. Jackson spent solitary confinement time in the infamous strip cells of Soledad Prison's "O" Wing. Below is a description of such a cell:<blockquote>"A 6 by 8 cell with no protection from wet weather, deprived of all items with which he [Jackson] might clean himself, forced to eat in the stench and filth caused by his own body wastes, allowed to wash his hands only once every five days and required to sleep on a stiff canvas mat placed directly on the cold canvas floor"<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>

== Literature ==

* ''[[Soledad Brother]]'' (1970) - Thoughts on Fascism, How the Amerikan accepts it, Prestige in Capitalist Society, Organizational work for the revolution
* ''[[Blood In My Eye]]'' (1972)

== References ==
[[Category:Statesian political prisoners]]
[[Category:Black Panther Party]]

Thomas Sankara

2023-06-16T16:58:16Z

RedPowerBall: Modifying Encyclopedia Britannica source to have an archived link

{{External article cleanup|date=November 2021}}
{{Infobox revolutionary
| name = Thomas Sankara
| image = File:Thomas Sankara.jpg
| image_size = 200px
| caption = Portrait of Comrade Sankara
| nationality = [[Burkina Faso|Burkinabé]]
|political_party=[[African Independence Party]]| birth_name = Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara
| birth_date = 21 December 1949
| birth_place = Yako, [[Upper volta|Upper Volta]]
| death_date = 15 October 1987
| death_place = Ouagadougou, [[Burkina Faso]]
| death_cause = Assassination
| political_line = [[Marxism-Leninism]]
}}
'''Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara''', generally known as '''Thomas Sankara''', was a [[Marxism-leninism|Marxist-Leninist]] Burkinabé military officer and political leader who was elected President of [[Burkina Faso]] (then Upper Volta, an ex-French colony) from 1983 to 1987 after a coup. He was often referred to as the "[[Che Guevara]] of [[Africa]]".<ref>[https://www.reuters.com/assets/print?aid=USL17577712 Burkina Faso Salutes "Africa's Che" Thomas Sankara] by Mathieu Bonkoungou, ''[[Reuters]]'', 17 October 2007</ref><ref name="Thomas Sankara Speaks 2007, pg 11">''Thomas Sankara Speaks: the Burkina Faso Revolution: 1983–87'', by Thomas Sankara, edited by Michel Prairie; Pathfinder, 2007, pg 11</ref><ref>[https://archive.is/20120702213957/http://static.rnw.nl/migratie/www.radionetherlands.nl/currentaffairs/071015-Burkina-Faso-Sankara-redirected "Thomas Sankara, Africa's Che Guevara"] by ''[[Radio Netherlands Worldwide]]'', 15 October 2007.</ref><ref>[http://sarahgoyens.blogspot.com/2009/01/africas-che-guevara.html "Africa's Che Guevara"] by ''Sarah in Burkina Faso''.</ref>

In 1983 Sankara launched the [[August Fourth Revolution]] to seize power with the goal of eliminating corruption and the influence of the former [[French Republic|French]] [[Colonialism|colonial]] [[Imperialism|empire]]. This was widely supported by the people.{{Citation needed}} After taking office, Sankara immediately launched a plan to try social and economic changes on the African continent.

One such social change is that he led his country in changing the French colonial name of "[[Upper Volta]]" to "[[Burkina Faso]]" ("Land of Incorruptible People") to symbolize the country's autonomy and rebirth.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Hubert Jules Deschamps|newspaper=Encyclopedia Britannica|title=Burkina Faso|date=2023-06-05|url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Burkina-Faso|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190409175723/https://www.britannica.com/place/Burkina-Faso|archive-date=2019-04-09}}</ref>

Sankara's foreign policy centered on [[anti-imperialism]] and avoidance of [[Imperialism|imperialist]] foreign aid and interference, mainly by the [[International Monetary Fund]] and the [[World Bank]]. It also promoted the reduction of foreign debt.{{Citation needed}}

Sankara's domestic policies focused on eradication of famine with food self-sufficiency, and [[land reform]]. His government gave emphasis to education and public health, carried out literacy campaigns across the country and vaccinated 2.5 million children free of charge. His government also carried out greening projects to curb the growing desertification in the Sahel and advocated [[Feminism|women's liberation and freedom]], and improvements of women's social status. Sankara performed this work along with the [[nationalization]] of land and mineral resources.{{Citation needed}}[[File:6285646.image.jpg|thumb|Mural representing Thomas Sankara in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso]]In order to achieve radical social changes, he set the premises for a [[dictatorship of the proletariat]] which suppressed [[Bourgeoisie|bourgeois]] interests, banned [[Trade union|trade unions]] (who were reactionary and a tool of the bourgeoisie in Burkina Faso), punished corrupt officials, [[Counterrevolution|counter-revolutionaries]], and people who didn't want to work through the [[People's Revolutionary Courts]]. He publicly admired [[Fidel Castro]]'s [[Cuban revolution]].{{Citation needed}}

He was assassinated by his close friend [[Blaise Compaoré]], with possible involvement from the French government and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. A week before his assassination, Sankara declared: "While revolutionaries as individuals can be murdered, you cannot kill ideas".<ref>https://www.reuters.com/assets/print?aid=USL17577712 Burkina Faso Salutes "Africa's Che" Thomas Sankara] by Mathieu Bonkoungou, ''Reuters'', 17 October 2007.</ref>

== Policies ==
In his 4 years as President of Burkina Faso, Sankara conducted a policy of anti-imperialism aimed at restoring sovereignty over his country. This began by calling out the [[International Monetary Fund]] and their African loans as imperialism, and calling for a [[Pan-Africanism|pan-African]] [[Socialism|socialist]] union.

He also led extensive national campaigns, some of which include:

* broke out the [[Patriarchy|patriarchal]] model of Burkinabé society
* vaccinated 2.5 million children against meningitis, yellow fever and measles
* prevented desertification of the Sahel
* stopped governmental corruption, which was widespread before him

He notably said that "a soldier without political education is only a potential criminal", and he undertook to reform the military into a revolutionary corps that would protect Burkina Faso from foreign imperialist threats. Notably, soldiers were put to work in building much-needed infrastructure such as wells, irrigation fields, or brick houses in the many villages of Burkina Faso. The people living in those villages were also tasked with building their own infrastructure so as to integrate them into the process and make them understand that the government is doing this for them and with them.

== Assassination ==
On 15 October 1987, Sankara was killed by an armed group in a [[coup d'état]] led by his close friend [[Blaise Compaoré]].

Compaoré immediately reversed the nationalizations, overturned nearly all of Sankara's policies, rejoined the International Monetary Fund and [[The World Bank|World Bank]] to bring in "desperately needed" funds to restore the "shattered" economy and ultimately spurned most of Sankara's legacy. Compaoré's [[dictatorship]] remained in power for 27 years until it was overthrown by popular protests in 2014. This has led many to suspect foreign involvment in the coup, particularly from the French government.

In February 2020, French member of parliament [[André Chassaigne]] ([[French Communist Party|PCF]]) formally asked to open a commission of inquiry into Sankara's death and France's possible involvement<ref>http://www.thomassankara.net/french-mp-demands-inquiry-into-murder-of-burkina-faso-president-sankara/?lang=en</ref>.

In 2021, a trial was started against Blaise Compaoré (then in exile). In April 2022, a verdict was rendered and Compaoré was found guilty of "attack on state security", "concealment of a corpse" "and complicity in a murder". He was sentenced to life in prison along with two more accomplices.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=Africa News|title=Former president Compaoré sentenced to life in Sankara trial|date=2022-04-06|url=https://www.africanews.com/2022/04/06/former-president-compaore-sentenced-to-life-in-sankara-trial/}}</ref>

== References ==
<references />
[[Category:Marxist-Leninists]]
[[Category:Revolutionaries]]
[[Category:Victims of assassination]]
[[Category:Communist leaders]]
[[Category:Communists]]
[[Category:Leaders]]

Thomas Sankara

2023-06-16T16:55:57Z

RedPowerBall: Updating citation so that it shows on the front end

{{External article cleanup|date=November 2021}}
{{Infobox revolutionary
| name = Thomas Sankara
| image = File:Thomas Sankara.jpg
| image_size = 200px
| caption = Portrait of Comrade Sankara
| nationality = [[Burkina Faso|Burkinabé]]
|political_party=[[African Independence Party]]| birth_name = Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara
| birth_date = 21 December 1949
| birth_place = Yako, [[Upper volta|Upper Volta]]
| death_date = 15 October 1987
| death_place = Ouagadougou, [[Burkina Faso]]
| death_cause = Assassination
| political_line = [[Marxism-Leninism]]
}}
'''Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara''', generally known as '''Thomas Sankara''', was a [[Marxism-leninism|Marxist-Leninist]] Burkinabé military officer and political leader who was elected President of [[Burkina Faso]] (then Upper Volta, an ex-French colony) from 1983 to 1987 after a coup. He was often referred to as the "[[Che Guevara]] of [[Africa]]".<ref>[https://www.reuters.com/assets/print?aid=USL17577712 Burkina Faso Salutes "Africa's Che" Thomas Sankara] by Mathieu Bonkoungou, ''[[Reuters]]'', 17 October 2007</ref><ref name="Thomas Sankara Speaks 2007, pg 11">''Thomas Sankara Speaks: the Burkina Faso Revolution: 1983–87'', by Thomas Sankara, edited by Michel Prairie; Pathfinder, 2007, pg 11</ref><ref>[https://archive.is/20120702213957/http://static.rnw.nl/migratie/www.radionetherlands.nl/currentaffairs/071015-Burkina-Faso-Sankara-redirected "Thomas Sankara, Africa's Che Guevara"] by ''[[Radio Netherlands Worldwide]]'', 15 October 2007.</ref><ref>[http://sarahgoyens.blogspot.com/2009/01/africas-che-guevara.html "Africa's Che Guevara"] by ''Sarah in Burkina Faso''.</ref>

In 1983 Sankara launched the [[August Fourth Revolution]] to seize power with the goal of eliminating corruption and the influence of the former [[French Republic|French]] [[Colonialism|colonial]] [[Imperialism|empire]]. This was widely supported by the people.{{Citation needed}} After taking office, Sankara immediately launched a plan to try social and economic changes on the African continent.

One such social change is that he led his country in changing the French colonial name of "[[Upper Volta]]" to "[[Burkina Faso]]" ("Land of Incorruptible People") to symbolize the country's autonomy and rebirth.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Hubert Jules Deschamps|newspaper=Encyclopedia Britannica|title=Burkina Faso|date=2023-06-05|url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Burkina-Faso}}</ref>

Sankara's foreign policy centered on [[anti-imperialism]] and avoidance of [[Imperialism|imperialist]] foreign aid and interference, mainly by the [[International Monetary Fund]] and the [[World Bank]]. It also promoted the reduction of foreign debt.{{Citation needed}}

Sankara's domestic policies focused on eradication of famine with food self-sufficiency, and [[land reform]]. His government gave emphasis to education and public health, carried out literacy campaigns across the country and vaccinated 2.5 million children free of charge. His government also carried out greening projects to curb the growing desertification in the Sahel and advocated [[Feminism|women's liberation and freedom]], and improvements of women's social status. Sankara performed this work along with the [[nationalization]] of land and mineral resources.{{Citation needed}}[[File:6285646.image.jpg|thumb|Mural representing Thomas Sankara in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso]]In order to achieve radical social changes, he set the premises for a [[dictatorship of the proletariat]] which suppressed [[Bourgeoisie|bourgeois]] interests, banned [[Trade union|trade unions]] (who were reactionary and a tool of the bourgeoisie in Burkina Faso), punished corrupt officials, [[Counterrevolution|counter-revolutionaries]], and people who didn't want to work through the [[People's Revolutionary Courts]]. He publicly admired [[Fidel Castro]]'s [[Cuban revolution]].{{Citation needed}}

He was assassinated by his close friend [[Blaise Compaoré]], with possible involvement from the French government and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. A week before his assassination, Sankara declared: "While revolutionaries as individuals can be murdered, you cannot kill ideas".<ref>https://www.reuters.com/assets/print?aid=USL17577712 Burkina Faso Salutes "Africa's Che" Thomas Sankara] by Mathieu Bonkoungou, ''Reuters'', 17 October 2007.</ref>

== Policies ==
In his 4 years as President of Burkina Faso, Sankara conducted a policy of anti-imperialism aimed at restoring sovereignty over his country. This began by calling out the [[International Monetary Fund]] and their African loans as imperialism, and calling for a [[Pan-Africanism|pan-African]] [[Socialism|socialist]] union.

He also led extensive national campaigns, some of which include:

* broke out the [[Patriarchy|patriarchal]] model of Burkinabé society
* vaccinated 2.5 million children against meningitis, yellow fever and measles
* prevented desertification of the Sahel
* stopped governmental corruption, which was widespread before him

He notably said that "a soldier without political education is only a potential criminal", and he undertook to reform the military into a revolutionary corps that would protect Burkina Faso from foreign imperialist threats. Notably, soldiers were put to work in building much-needed infrastructure such as wells, irrigation fields, or brick houses in the many villages of Burkina Faso. The people living in those villages were also tasked with building their own infrastructure so as to integrate them into the process and make them understand that the government is doing this for them and with them.

== Assassination ==
On 15 October 1987, Sankara was killed by an armed group in a [[coup d'état]] led by his close friend [[Blaise Compaoré]].

Compaoré immediately reversed the nationalizations, overturned nearly all of Sankara's policies, rejoined the International Monetary Fund and [[The World Bank|World Bank]] to bring in "desperately needed" funds to restore the "shattered" economy and ultimately spurned most of Sankara's legacy. Compaoré's [[dictatorship]] remained in power for 27 years until it was overthrown by popular protests in 2014. This has led many to suspect foreign involvment in the coup, particularly from the French government.

In February 2020, French member of parliament [[André Chassaigne]] ([[French Communist Party|PCF]]) formally asked to open a commission of inquiry into Sankara's death and France's possible involvement<ref>http://www.thomassankara.net/french-mp-demands-inquiry-into-murder-of-burkina-faso-president-sankara/?lang=en</ref>.

In 2021, a trial was started against Blaise Compaoré (then in exile). In April 2022, a verdict was rendered and Compaoré was found guilty of "attack on state security", "concealment of a corpse" "and complicity in a murder". He was sentenced to life in prison along with two more accomplices.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=Africa News|title=Former president Compaoré sentenced to life in Sankara trial|date=2022-04-06|url=https://www.africanews.com/2022/04/06/former-president-compaore-sentenced-to-life-in-sankara-trial/}}</ref>

== References ==
<references />
[[Category:Marxist-Leninists]]
[[Category:Revolutionaries]]
[[Category:Victims of assassination]]
[[Category:Communist leaders]]
[[Category:Communists]]
[[Category:Leaders]]

Xi Jinping Thought

2023-06-16T16:42:00Z

RedPowerBall: Adding quote from CPC Central Committee about XJT

[[File:XiJinping2007.jpg|thumb|[[Xi Jinping]] in 2007, then a member of the [[Communist Party of China|CPC]] Politburo. ]]
'''Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era''' ('''XJT''' or '''XJToSwCCfaNE'''; Simplified Chinese:习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想; Pinyin: Xíjìnpíng xīn shídài zhōngguó tèsè shèhuì zhǔyì sīxiǎng) is Comrade Xi Jinping's contribution to [[Socialism with Chinese Characteristics]] in a new era (the 21st century) of increased competition and souring relations with [[capitalism|capitalist]] and [[imperialism|imperialist]] nations, the rise of global [[fascism]], [[climate change]] and an impending world conflict.

Xi Jinping Thought is [[Marxism–Leninism]] and [[Mao Zedong Thought]] suited to [[People's Republic of China|China]]'s current material conditions. XJT aims to make China into a prosperous and powerful [[socialism|socialist]] country by 2050, with the goal of rooting out corruption in the CPC, strengthening national security, green development, full national reunification, improving peoples' living standards and [[poverty reduction|alleviation of poverty]], in order to set the stage for the necessary conditions to be able to eventually reach [[communism|full communism]].

The following is a quote from the ''Resolution of the CPC Central Committee on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century'', held November 16th, 2021. It shows the party's acceptance of XJT and its drive to use it in adapting Marxism to the material conditions of China:<blockquote>Chinese communists, with Comrade Xi Jinping as their chief representative, have established ''Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era'' on the basis of adapting the basic tenets of Marxism to China’s specific realities and its fine traditional culture, upholding Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Theory of Three Represents, and the Scientific Outlook on Development, thoroughly reviewing and fully applying the historical experience gained since the founding of the Party, and proceeding from new realities.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China|title=Full Text: Resolution of the CPC Central Committee on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century|date=2021-11-17|url=http://www.npc.gov.cn/englishnpc/c23934/202111/19aeff19b1684cfcb4b7e3fc91515067.shtml}}</ref></blockquote>

== On self-criticism, self-discipline, self revolution and self-governing of the Party ==
On January 18, 2022, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, President of the State, and Chairman of the Central Military Commission, delivered an important speech at the sixth plenary meeting of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China.<ref>[http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2023-01/31/content_5739409.htm Xi Jinping: Comprehensively and strictly governing the party has explored a successful path to rely on the party's self-revolution to jump out of the historical cycle rate] - gov.cn</ref>

According to him, the fight against corruption has stopped some unhealthy tendencies that have not been stopped for many years and eliminated serious hidden dangers that existed within the party, the state, and the army, and fundamentally reversed the lax governance of the party. Without comprehensive and strict governance of the party, there would be no such a highly united and powerful Communist Party of China today, and there would be no relationship between the party and the people that is united in the face of difficulties, and it would be impossible to survive in a world where all guns are pointed towards China.

Xi believes the way to jump out of the historical cyclical rate of nations rising and falling was created by Mao Zedong which was the [[Mass line|Mass Line]]. And the second answer was from the 18th National Congress of the Party, which is "Self Revolution", which he outlines as:<blockquote>"Self-revolution is to supplement calcium and strengthen bones, detoxify and sterilize, strong men cut wrists, remove putrefaction and regenerate muscles, constantly eliminate viruses that erode the party's healthy body, continuously improve self-immunity, and prevent death. The courage to self-revolution and acceptance of people's supervision are inherently consistent, and both originate from the original mission of the party. Over the past 100 years, the party has relied on developing people's democracy and accepting people's supervision outside the party, comprehensively and strictly governing the party internally, promoting self-revolution, courageously upholding the truth, correcting mistakes, and courageously turning the blade inward to cure the poison, ensuring the long-term prosperity of the party. Persistence, continuous development and growth. I will be selfless, live up to the people, and always represent the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the people. Only then can I examine myself in a thorough self-revolutionary spirit, often reflect on my own mistakes, and resolutely fight against all factors that damage the party's advanced nature and purity; Get rid of the "siege" and corruption of all interest groups, power groups, and privileged classes, and attack those who have become partners of these groups, groups, and classes in the party, so as to maintain the vitality of the party forever; only then can the people trust us, support us, and sincerely Help us correct our shortcomings and firmly follow the party to fight together. Strictly governing the party in an all-round way is the great practice of the party's self-revolution in the new era, and it has opened up a new realm of the century-old party's self-revolution."</blockquote>

== On China, Capitalism and the USSR ==
In surveying the history of China, Xi argued it is "Marxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought that guided the Chinese people out of the darkness of that long night and established a New China." And, as to the future, "the consolidation and development of the socialist system will require its own long period of history... it will require the tireless struggle of generations, up to ten generations."

On the relationship with capitalist nations, Xi said, "[[Karl Marx|Marx]] and [[Friedrich Engels|Engels]]' analysis of the basic contradictions in capitalist society is not outdated, nor is the [[Historical materialism|historical materialist]] view that capitalism is bound to die out and socialism is bound to win." Xi aimed to reinforce the Marxist–Leninist view of history, stating: "The fundamental reason why some of our comrades have weak ideals and faltering beliefs is that their views lack a firm grounding in historical materialism."

Xi showed great interest in why the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet Union]] [[Dissolution of the Soviet Union|ceased to exist]], and how to avoid that failure in China:<blockquote>Why did the Soviet Union disintegrate? Why did the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] fall from power? An important reason was that the struggle in the field of ideology was extremely intense, completely negating the history of the Soviet Union, negating the history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, negating [[Lenin]], negating [[Stalin]], creating historical nihilism and confused thinking. Party organs at all levels had lost their functions, the military was no longer under Party leadership. In the end, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, a great party, was scattered, the Soviet Union, a great socialist country, disintegrated. This is a cautionary tale!</blockquote>

== 14 point basic policy of Xi Jinping Thought ==
The concepts behind Xi Jinping Thought were elaborated in Xi's ''[[The Governance of China]]'' book series, published by the Foreign Languages Press for an international audience. Volume one was published in September 2014, followed by volume two in November 2017, followed by volume three in June 2020 and volume four in July 2022.
[[File:XiJinpingThought.jpg|thumb|The 14-point basic policy of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era]]
Xi Jinping Thought consists of a 14-point basic policy as follows:<ref>[http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/19th-party-congress-xi-jinping-outlines-new-thought-on-socialism-with-chinese-traits Goh, Sui Noi (18 October 2017). "19th Party Congress: Xi Jinping outlines new thought on socialism with Chinese traits"]. ''Straits Times''.</ref>
#Ensuring Communist Party of China leadership over all forms of work in China.
#The Communist Party of China should take a people-centric approach for the public interest.
#The continuation of "comprehensive deepening of reforms".
#Adopting new science-based ideas for "innovative, coordinated, green, open and shared development".
#Following "socialism with Chinese characteristics" with "people as the masters of the country".
#Governing China with the Rule of Law.
#"Practise [[Core Socialist Values|socialist core values]]", including Marxism-Leninism and socialism with Chinese characteristics.
#"Improving people's livelihood and well-being is the primary goal of development".
#Coexist well with nature with "energy conservation and environmental protection" policies and "contribute to global ecological safety".
#Strengthen the national security of China.
#The Communist Party of China should have "absolute leadership over" China's [[People's Liberation Army]].
#Promoting the one country, two systems system for [[Hong Kong]] and [[Macau]] with a future of "complete national reunification" and to follow the One-China principle and 1992 Consensus for [[Taiwan]].
#Establish a common destiny between the Chinese people and other peoples around the world with a "peaceful international environment".
#Improve party discipline in the Communist Party of China.
In subsequent official party documentation and pronouncements by Xi's colleagues, the thought has been said to be a continuation of Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, [[Deng Xiaoping Theory]], "the important thought of the [[Three Represents]]" and the [[Scientific Outlook on Development]] as part of a series of guiding ideologies that embody "Marxism adapted to Chinese conditions".

==The 21 Characteristics of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era==
According to the "''Xi Jinping's New Era Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Study Outline" ,'' these are the following 21 characteristics:<ref>[http://theory.people.com.cn/GB/68294/428935/index.html "Xi Jinping's New Era Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Study Outline"] - People.Cn</ref>

=== '''1. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the guiding ideology that the party and the country must adhere to for a long time''' ===
The Nineteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China established Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the guiding ideology that the party must adhere to for a long time and solemnly wrote it into the party constitution, realizing the advancement of the party's guiding ideology with the times. This is a historic decision and historic contribution, reflecting the party's high degree of maturity and confidence in politics and theory. The Amendment to the Constitution adopted at the first session of the Thirteenth National People's Congress solemnly incorporated Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era into the Constitution, realizing the state's guiding ideology to keep pace with the times and reflecting the spirit of the people of all ethnic groups in the country. The common will and the common will of the whole society. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the ideological banner of the Communist Party of China in the new era, the fundamental guideline for the country’s political and social life, and Marxism in contemporary China and Marxism in the 21st century.

=== 2. Socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era ===
Socialism has always been pioneering and advancing, and it must continue to develop as the situation and conditions change. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "After long-term efforts, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era. This is a new historical orientation for my country's development." The connotation provides us with the era coordinates and basic basis for us to deeply grasp the new stage and new characteristics of contemporary China's development, and scientifically formulate the party's line, principles and policies.

=== 3. The Fundamental Direction of Development and Progress in Contemporary China ===
Rivers and lakes always have their sources, and trees as tall as thousands of feet have roots. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Socialism with Chinese characteristics did not fall from the sky. It is the fundamental achievement of the party and the people who have gone through untold hardships and paid a huge price." Socialism with Chinese characteristics was created in the new era of reform and opening up. Based on the long-term struggle of the party for more than 90 years, the source of its thought, theory and practice can be traced back even further. To understand the context of the formation and development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and fully understand its historical inevitability and scientific truth, we should extend the time scale and grasp it in the course of the evolution of socialism in the world.

=== 4. Adhere to the people-centered approach ===
The character of the people is the most distinctive character of Marxism. Always being with the people and fighting for the interests of the people is the fundamental difference between a Marxist political party and other political parties. As a Marxist political party, the Communist Party of China has always been consistent and unified with its party spirit and people's nature. It has no special interests of its own except for the interests of the country, the nation, and the people. Only by not seeking personal gain can we seek fundamental and great benefits, and only then can we proceed from the nature and fundamental purpose of the party, proceed from the fundamental interests of the people, and serve the people wholeheartedly.

=== 5. Realizing the Chinese Dream of the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation ===
The Chinese nation has created a splendid Chinese civilization, made outstanding contributions to mankind, and become a great nation in the world. After the Opium War, due to the invasion of Western powers and the corruption of feudal rule, China gradually fell into the dark abyss of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The self-improving Chinese nation has never given up its yearning and pursuit of beautiful dreams.

=== 6. Start a new journey of building a modern socialist country in an all-round way ===
After the founding of New China, our party has carried out arduous exploration of socialist modernization. Comrade Mao Zedong proposed that our task "is to settle down so that we can build our country's modernized industry, modernized agriculture, modernized science and culture, and modernized national defense." Entering a new historical period of reform and opening up, Comrade Deng Xiaoping established the correct path for my country to realize socialist modernization based on new reality and historical experience. He pointed out: "From the first year of the 1980s, we must not delay a single day, concentrate on the four modernizations." This matter should not be disturbed at any time, and must be carried out unswervingly and wholeheartedly.” Since the reform and opening up, the party’s previous national congresses have made strategic plans for advancing socialist modernization. In practice and exploration, our party has achieved a series of major achievements in accelerating the realization of modernization, consolidating and developing socialism, and greatly promoted the historical process of socialist modernization.

=== 7. The leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics ===
The Communist Party of China is the vanguard of the Chinese working class, as well as the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. It plays an irreplaceable leading and core role in promoting the progress of Chinese history. After an in-depth understanding of China's modern history, it is not difficult to find that without the leadership of the Communist Party of China, our country and our nation could not have achieved the achievements they have today, nor could they have achieved the international status they have today. It is correct for history and the people to choose the Chinese Communist Party to lead the cause of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. In the form of the fundamental law of the country, the Constitution of our country has confirmed the great struggle and fundamental achievements of the party leading the people in revolution, construction and reform, confirmed the ruling status of the Communist Party of China, and confirmed the core of the party's overall control and coordination of all parties in the state power structure. The status provides the fundamental legal basis for our party's long-term governance.

=== 8. Carry out comprehensive deepening reform to the end ===
Each era has its own problems, and each generation has its own mission. As the reform enters the critical period and the deep-water area, the resistance encountered is increasing, and there are more and more hidden reefs, undercurrents, and eddies. Problems in development and problems after development, general contradictions and deep-seated contradictions are intertwined and superimposed and intricate. The reforms that are easy and satisfying to all have been completed, all the good meat has been eaten, and the rest are tough nuts. The contradictions in the reform and opening up can only be resolved by means of reform and opening up. To move forward, China must comprehensively deepen reforms. There is no other way but to comprehensively deepen reforms.

=== 9. Comprehensively promote the rule of law ===
Comprehensive rule of law is an essential requirement and an important guarantee for upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. It is related to the governance and rejuvenation of our party, the happiness and well-being of the people, and the development of the cause of the party and the country. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that "the overall goal of comprehensively promoting the rule of law is to build a socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics and a socialist country ruled by law." This overall goal not only clarifies the nature and direction of advancing the rule of law in an all-round way, but also highlights the key points of work and the overall starting point, which is of great significance.

=== 10. Leading high-quality economic development with new development concepts ===
Innovation is the primary driving force leading development. Innovation and development focus on solving the problem of development motivation. Innovation must be placed at the core of the overall development of the country, so that innovation runs through all the work of the party and the country. Coordination is an inherent requirement for sustainable and healthy development. Coordinated development focuses on solving the problem of unbalanced development. It is necessary to correctly handle major relationships in development and continuously enhance the integrity of development. Green is a necessary condition for sustainable development and an important manifestation of people's pursuit of a better life. Green development focuses on solving the problem of harmonious coexistence between man and nature. It must realize the synergy between economic and social development and ecological environmental protection, and create good production for the people. living environment. Opening up is the only way for a country to prosper and develop. Opening up and developing focuses on solving the problem of internal and external linkages of development. It is necessary to develop a higher level of open economy in order to expand opening up and promote reform and development. Sharing is the essential requirement of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Shared development focuses on solving the problem of social fairness and justice. We must insist on sharing for all, comprehensive sharing, joint construction and sharing, and gradual sharing, so as to continuously promote the common prosperity of all people.

=== 11. Develop Socialist Democratic Politics ===
To follow the path of socialist political development with Chinese characteristics, we must always maintain political determination. If this point is not well grasped, not firmly grasped, and goes astray, not only will it be difficult to do well in the construction of political civilization, but it will also cause damage to the cause of the party and the people. We need to learn from the beneficial achievements of foreign political civilization, but we must not abandon the fundamentals of China's political system. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "Copying the political system of other countries will not work, it will be unaccustomed to the environment, it will draw tigers instead of anti-dogs, and it will even ruin the country's future and destiny. Only a system that is rooted in the country's soil and absorbs abundant nutrients is the most reliable. It is also the most effective.” To maintain political concentration, persist in proceeding from national conditions and reality, we must not only grasp the long-term historical inheritance, but also grasp the development path we have traveled, accumulated political experience, and formed political principles. We must grasp realistic requirements and focus on solving practical problems. We cannot cut off history, and we cannot imagine that a "flying peak" in the political system will suddenly move. We must strengthen our confidence in the socialist political system with Chinese characteristics, and strengthen our confidence and determination to take the road of socialist political development with Chinese characteristics.

=== 12. Promoting the Prosperity and Prosperity of Socialist Culture ===
Culture is the soul of a country and a nation. Cultural self-confidence is a more basic, broader and deeper self-confidence, and a more basic, deeper and more lasting force in the development of a country or a nation. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "Without a high degree of cultural confidence and cultural prosperity, there will be no great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." Strengthening the confidence in the path, theory, and system of socialism with Chinese characteristics is, in the final analysis, to strengthen cultural confidence.

=== 13. Lead the people to create a happier and better life ===
To protect and improve people's livelihood, we must do our best and act according to our capabilities. People's livelihood work directly meets and reconciles with ordinary people, and promises must be fulfilled. Never write a bad promise, otherwise you will lose the trust of the people. We must stick to the bottom line, highlight key points, improve the system, guide expectations, persevere in doing a good job in people's livelihood, do one thing after another, year after year, and move forward with perseverance, so that the masses can see the changes and get benefits. At the same time, our country is still and will be in the primary stage of socialism for a long time to come. Improving people's livelihood cannot be divorced from this greatest reality and set too high a goal. We must persist in proceeding from reality, gradually improve people's living standards according to economic development and financial conditions, and do what can be done under realistic conditions.

=== 14. Building a Beautiful China ===
When the ecology prospers, the civilization prospers, and when the ecology declines, the civilization declines. The ecological environment is the foundation of human survival and development, and changes in the ecological environment directly affect the rise and fall of civilizations. There are many examples of this in ancient and modern China and abroad. The four ancient civilizations of ancient Egypt, ancient Babylon, ancient India, and ancient China all originated in areas with dense forests, abundant water, and fertile fields. The decline of the ecological environment, especially the severe land desertification, led to the decline of ancient Egypt and ancient Babylon. Some areas in ancient my country also had painful lessons. The Hexi Corridor and the Loess Plateau used to be rich in water and grass. Due to deforestation and deforestation, the ecological environment was severely damaged and the economic decline was exacerbated.

=== 15. Resolutely Safeguard National Sovereignty, Security, and Development Interests ===
The key to the overall national security concept lies in the "overall", emphasizing the systematic thinking and methods to do a good job in national security work, highlighting the concept of "big security", covering politics, military, land, economy, culture, society, technology, network, Ecology, resources, nuclear, overseas interests, space, deep sea, polar regions, biology and many other fields are ubiquitous and will continue to expand with the development of society. Implementing the overall national security concept requires us to pay attention to both development and security issues, external security and internal security, homeland security and national security, traditional security and non-traditional security, our own security and national security. Attach importance to common security. It is necessary to improve the national security system, strengthen national security capacity building, and resolutely safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests.

=== 16. Build the people's army into a world-class army in an all-round way ===
Consolidating national defense and a strong military are the strategic support for upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Our country is in a critical stage of development from big to strong, and has approached the center of the world stage like never before. The prospect is very bright, but the challenges are also very severe. National defense and army building are the strong backing for national security, and military means are the guarantee for realizing our great dreams. Make the army stronger, so that it will be confident and strong. We must obey and serve the party's historical mission, grasp the strategic needs of national security in the new era, provide strategic support for consolidating the leadership of the Communist Party of China and my country's socialist system, provide strategic support for safeguarding national sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity, and provide strategic support for expanding my country's overseas interests. Strategic support provides strategic support for promoting world peace and development, and undertakes the mission of the new era entrusted by the party and the people.

=== 17. Realizing the complete reunification of the motherland is the fundamental interest of the Chinese nation ===
"One country, two systems" is a basic state policy of the country. "One country, two systems" means that within a unified country, the main body of the country implements the socialist system, while individual regions implement the capitalist system according to law. This is an unprecedented pioneering undertaking, and it has never been done in the past human political practice. In accordance with the great concept of "one country, two systems", Hong Kong and Macao have achieved a peaceful return, changing the so-called stereotype in history that whenever lost territory is regained, it is necessary to go to war. "One country, two systems" is a new way of thinking and a new solution provided by China for the international community to solve similar problems. It is a new contribution made by the Chinese nation to world peace and development.

=== 18. Promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind ===
Marx and Engels said: "The more completely the original closed state of each nation is eliminated due to the increasingly perfect mode of production, communication, and the division of labor between different nations naturally formed by communication, the more history will become world history." History And reality increasingly proves the scientific value of this prophecy. Today, the tide of economic globalization is rolling forward, the new technological revolution and industrial transformation are in-depth development, the global governance system is profoundly reshaping, the international landscape is evolving rapidly, and the trend of peaceful development is irreversible. The global nature of human exchanges is deeper and wider than ever before. Countries are interconnected and interdependent more frequently and closer than ever before. Peace, development, cooperation and win-win have become the trend of the times. The integrated world is there, and whoever rejects this world will also reject him.

=== 19. Building the Party Stronger and More Powerful ===
Our party is a Marxist ruling party and a Marxist revolutionary party. In the course of more than 90 years of struggle leading the Chinese revolution, construction, and reform, why can our party stand out in repeated contests of various political forces? Why can we always be at the forefront of the times and become the backbone of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation? The fundamental reason is that our party has always maintained the spirit of self-revolution, maintained the courage to admit and correct mistakes, picked up the scalpel time and time again to get rid of its own diseases, and solved its own problems time and time again.

=== 20. Master the Marxist method of thinking and working methods ===
Historical materialism is another important part of Marxist philosophy, and it is a science about the general law of the development of human society. To study and apply historical materialism, it is necessary to master the analysis method of basic social contradictions, combine the observation of the contradictory movement of productive forces and production relations with the contradictory movement of the economic base and superstructure, observe the basic contradictions of society as a whole, and comprehensively grasp the entire contradiction. The basic appearance and development direction of society; grasp the point of view that material production is the foundation of social life, promote the continuous development of social productive forces in our country, and realize the unity of continuous enrichment of things and all-round development of people; grasp the point of view that people are the creators of history, Adhere to the people-centered approach, so that development is for the people, development depends on the people, and the fruits of development are shared by the people.

=== 21. Armed with Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, seize the great victory of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era, and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation ===
One of the most important reasons why the Chinese Communist Party has been able to continue to grow and develop through hardships is that our party has always attached importance to building the party ideologically and strengthening the party theoretically, so that the whole party has always maintained a unified thinking, firm will, coordinated actions, and strong combat effectiveness. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st century Marxism. It is a powerful ideological weapon and action guide that leads the cause of the party and the country from victory to new victory.

== Xi's two political slogans ==
Just after becoming General Secretary of the Communist Party of China in late 2012, Xi announced a political slogan that would become the hallmark of his administration. "The [[Chinese Dream]]," he said, is "the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." Formulated by Wang Huning, Xi's dream of the two slogans are best described as achieving the Two Centenaries: the material goal of China becoming a "moderately well-off society" by 2021, the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party of China, and the modernization goal of China becoming a fully developed nation by about 2049, the 100th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic.<ref name=":0" />

== The Four Comprehensives ==
The '''Four Comprehensives''', or the '''Four-pronged Comprehensive Strategy''' (Chinese: 四个全面战略布局) is a list of political goals for China, put forward by Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2014. They are:<ref name=":0">[https://www.guancha.cn/culture/2015_05_04_318218.shtml "今年首批中央文献重要术语"外语版"出炉共30个".] ''www.guancha.cn''. Retrieved April 8, 2016.</ref>

# Comprehensively build a moderately prosperous society
# Comprehensively deepen reform
# Comprehensively govern the nation according to law
# Comprehensively strictly govern the Party.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20170705032337/http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2014-11/02/c_1113080850.htm Xi Jinping: To achieve a speed with quality and benefit, to achieve a speed without water . Xinhuanet.] 2014-11-02 [ 2017-02-28 </ref>

== The Two Establishes and the Two Safeguards ==
'''Two Establishes''' (Chinese: 两个确立; Pinyin: Liǎng gè quèlì ) and '''Two Safeguards''' (Chinese: 两个维护; Pinyin: Liǎng gè wéihù) are two political slogans promoted by the CPC to reinforce Comrade Xi Jinping's tenure. According to the CPC historical resolution, the Two Establishes are:

# "To establish the status of Comrade Xi Jinping as the core of the Party’s Central Committee and of the whole Party"
# "To establish the guiding role of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for the New Era"

According to the Sixth Plenum of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC, the Two Safeguards are:<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20220729191420/https://chinamediaproject.org/the_ccp_dictionary/two-establishes/ "Two Establishes"]. ''China Media Project''.</ref>

# "Safeguard the 'core' status of General Secretary Xi Jinping within the CPC"
# "To safeguard the centralized authority of the Party"

During the 20th National Congress of the CPC, the Two Safeguards was added to the CPC Constitution.<ref>[http://cpc.people.com.cn/20th/n1/2022/1026/c448334-32552477.html "中国共产党章程--中国共产党第二十次全国代表大会专题报道--人民网"]. ''People's Daily'' </ref>

== The Eight Musts ==
The '''Eight Musts''' (Chinese: 八个必须; Pinyin: Bā gè bìxū) are a policy set by the General Secretary Xi Jinping administration regarding the role of the Communist Party of China in Chinese society.<ref>[https://chinadigitaltimes.net/2013/01/the-xi-administration-introduces-the-eight-musts/ THE XI ADMINISTRATION INTRODUCES “EIGHT MUSTS”] - China Digital Times

</ref>

The Eight Musts are:

* We must persist in the dominant role of the people
* We must persist in liberating and developing social productive forces
* We must persist in moving reform and opening-up forward
* We must persist in safeguarding social fairness and justice
* We must persist in marching the path of being well-to-do together
* We must persist in stimulating social harmony
* We must persist in peaceful development
* We must persist in the leadership of the Party

== The Two Centenaries ==
The '''Two Centenaries''' (Chinese: 两个一百年; Pinyin: Liǎng gè yībǎi nián) is a political slogan that refers to two 100-year anniversaries and a stated set of economic and political goals advanced by General Secretary Xi Jinping following the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China held in 2012. The Chinese government describes the Two Centenaries as the basic foundation for achieving the "Chinese Dream".<ref>[https://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/19cpcnc/2017-10/28/c_1121870794.htm Authorized to publish: Constitution of the Communist Party of China] - Xinhua.net</ref>

The "centenaries" refer to two 100-year anniversaries:

# The centenary of the founding of the CPC in 1921. According to official CPC discourse, a ''Xiaokang'' society will have been achieved at the conclusion of this centenary. This goal has been achieved.
# The centenary of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 2049, at which point, China will have become a "strong, democratic, civilized, harmonious, and modern socialist country".<ref>[http://paper.people.com.cn/rmrb/html/2014-05/28/nw.D110000renmrb_20140528_1-01.htm 兩個一百年] - People's Daily</ref>

== Chinese Dream ==
The '''[[Chinese Dream]] (simplified Chinese: 中国梦; traditional Chinese: 中國夢; pinyin: ''Zhōngguó Mèng'')''' is a term closely associated with Xi Jinping which conveys the aspirations of China to rejuvenate itself and become a [[Moderately Prosperous Society|moderately prosperous society]]. Xi began promoting the phrase as a slogan during a high-profile tour of an exhibit at the National Museum of China in November 2012, shortly after he became leader of the CPC.<ref>[https://www.cnn.com/2014/03/14/world/asia/chinese-dream-anniversary-xi-jinping-president Xie, Tao (14 March 2014). "Opinion: Is President Xi Jinping's Chinese dream fantasy or reality?" – CNN]</ref>

According to an opinion piece by Robert Lawrence Kuhn, published by China's state-controlled newspaper ''[[China Daily]]'', the Chinese Dream has four parts: "strong China", "civilized China", "harmonious China", and "beautiful China". Kuhn states, "the Chinese dream is described as achieving the 'Two 100s'", a concept promoted by Xi Jinping, adding, "The material goal of China becoming a 'moderately well-off society' by about 2020" and "The modernization goal of China becoming a fully developed nation by about 2050".<ref>[http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/opinion/2013-07/19/content_16814756.htm "Understanding the Chinese dream"]. ''Chinadaily.com.cn''.</ref>

== Circulation of Xi Jinping Thought ==
Circulating the ideas of Xi Jinping Thought began shortly after a 2017 speech, particularly to academic and cultural communities, as well as the wider Chinese public.

Content from Xi's 2017 speech is used in public messages, described as being 'pervasive' by a Beijing correspondent for the ''[[The New York Times|New York Times]].'' A poster featuring the slogan "Chinese Dream" comes from the speech, where the phrase is used 31 times. In July 2018, the carriages of a train in Changchun Subway were decked out in red and dozens of Xi's quotes to celebrate the 97th anniversary of Communist Party of China. The train was described as a "highly condensed spiritual manual" of Xi Jinping Thought by the local government. In January 2019, Alibaba Group released an app called ''Xuexi Qiangguo'' for studying Xi Jinping Thought.

By the end of 2017, dozens of Chinese universities had established research institutes for Xi Jinping Thought, applying Xi's stated principle of bringing the thought into all aspects of daily life. Academics such as Jiang Shigong went on to write expositions of Xi Jinping Thought. In December 2019, Fudan University added content concerning the inculcation of teachers and students in Xi Jinping Thought into its charter.

In mid-2021, the Ministry of Education announced that Xi Jinping Thought would be taught to Chinese students beginning at the primary school level.

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

[[Category:Ideology of the Communist Party of China]]
[[Category:Mao Zedong Thought]]

Xi Jinping Thought

2023-06-16T16:33:41Z

RedPowerBall: Updating card grammar

[[File:XiJinping2007.jpg|thumb|[[Xi Jinping]] in 2007, then a member of the [[Communist Party of China|CPC]] Politburo. ]]
'''Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era''' ('''XJT''' or '''XJToSwCCfaNE'''; Simplified Chinese:习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想; Pinyin: Xíjìnpíng xīn shídài zhōngguó tèsè shèhuì zhǔyì sīxiǎng) is Comrade Xi Jinping's contribution to [[Socialism with Chinese Characteristics]] in a new era (the 21st century) of increased competition and souring relations with [[capitalism|capitalist]] and [[imperialism|imperialist]] nations, the rise of global [[fascism]], [[climate change]] and an impending world conflict.

Xi Jinping Thought is [[Marxism–Leninism]] and [[Mao Zedong Thought]] suited to [[People's Republic of China|China]]'s current material conditions. XJT aims to make China into a prosperous and powerful [[socialism|socialist]] country by 2050, with the goal of rooting out corruption in the CPC, strengthening national security, green development, full national reunification, improving peoples' living standards and [[poverty reduction|alleviation of poverty]], in order to set the stage for the necessary conditions to be able to eventually reach [[communism|full communism]].

== On self-criticism, self-discipline, self revolution and self-governing of the Party ==
On January 18, 2022, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, President of the State, and Chairman of the Central Military Commission, delivered an important speech at the sixth plenary meeting of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China.<ref>[http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2023-01/31/content_5739409.htm Xi Jinping: Comprehensively and strictly governing the party has explored a successful path to rely on the party's self-revolution to jump out of the historical cycle rate] - gov.cn</ref>

According to him, the fight against corruption has stopped some unhealthy tendencies that have not been stopped for many years and eliminated serious hidden dangers that existed within the party, the state, and the army, and fundamentally reversed the lax governance of the party. Without comprehensive and strict governance of the party, there would be no such a highly united and powerful Communist Party of China today, and there would be no relationship between the party and the people that is united in the face of difficulties, and it would be impossible to survive in a world where all guns are pointed towards China.

Xi believes the way to jump out of the historical cyclical rate of nations rising and falling was created by Mao Zedong which was the [[Mass line|Mass Line]]. And the second answer was from the 18th National Congress of the Party, which is "Self Revolution", which he outlines as:<blockquote>"Self-revolution is to supplement calcium and strengthen bones, detoxify and sterilize, strong men cut wrists, remove putrefaction and regenerate muscles, constantly eliminate viruses that erode the party's healthy body, continuously improve self-immunity, and prevent death. The courage to self-revolution and acceptance of people's supervision are inherently consistent, and both originate from the original mission of the party. Over the past 100 years, the party has relied on developing people's democracy and accepting people's supervision outside the party, comprehensively and strictly governing the party internally, promoting self-revolution, courageously upholding the truth, correcting mistakes, and courageously turning the blade inward to cure the poison, ensuring the long-term prosperity of the party. Persistence, continuous development and growth. I will be selfless, live up to the people, and always represent the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the people. Only then can I examine myself in a thorough self-revolutionary spirit, often reflect on my own mistakes, and resolutely fight against all factors that damage the party's advanced nature and purity; Get rid of the "siege" and corruption of all interest groups, power groups, and privileged classes, and attack those who have become partners of these groups, groups, and classes in the party, so as to maintain the vitality of the party forever; only then can the people trust us, support us, and sincerely Help us correct our shortcomings and firmly follow the party to fight together. Strictly governing the party in an all-round way is the great practice of the party's self-revolution in the new era, and it has opened up a new realm of the century-old party's self-revolution."</blockquote>

== On China, Capitalism and the USSR ==
In surveying the history of China, Xi argued it is "Marxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought that guided the Chinese people out of the darkness of that long night and established a New China." And, as to the future, "the consolidation and development of the socialist system will require its own long period of history... it will require the tireless struggle of generations, up to ten generations."

On the relationship with capitalist nations, Xi said, "[[Karl Marx|Marx]] and [[Friedrich Engels|Engels]]' analysis of the basic contradictions in capitalist society is not outdated, nor is the [[Historical materialism|historical materialist]] view that capitalism is bound to die out and socialism is bound to win." Xi aimed to reinforce the Marxist–Leninist view of history, stating: "The fundamental reason why some of our comrades have weak ideals and faltering beliefs is that their views lack a firm grounding in historical materialism."

Xi showed great interest in why the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet Union]] [[Dissolution of the Soviet Union|ceased to exist]], and how to avoid that failure in China:<blockquote>Why did the Soviet Union disintegrate? Why did the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] fall from power? An important reason was that the struggle in the field of ideology was extremely intense, completely negating the history of the Soviet Union, negating the history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, negating [[Lenin]], negating [[Stalin]], creating historical nihilism and confused thinking. Party organs at all levels had lost their functions, the military was no longer under Party leadership. In the end, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, a great party, was scattered, the Soviet Union, a great socialist country, disintegrated. This is a cautionary tale!</blockquote>

== 14 point basic policy of Xi Jinping Thought ==
The concepts behind Xi Jinping Thought were elaborated in Xi's ''[[The Governance of China]]'' book series, published by the Foreign Languages Press for an international audience. Volume one was published in September 2014, followed by volume two in November 2017, followed by volume three in June 2020 and volume four in July 2022.
[[File:XiJinpingThought.jpg|thumb|The 14-point basic policy of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era]]
Xi Jinping Thought consists of a 14-point basic policy as follows:<ref>[http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/19th-party-congress-xi-jinping-outlines-new-thought-on-socialism-with-chinese-traits Goh, Sui Noi (18 October 2017). "19th Party Congress: Xi Jinping outlines new thought on socialism with Chinese traits"]. ''Straits Times''.</ref>
#Ensuring Communist Party of China leadership over all forms of work in China.
#The Communist Party of China should take a people-centric approach for the public interest.
#The continuation of "comprehensive deepening of reforms".
#Adopting new science-based ideas for "innovative, coordinated, green, open and shared development".
#Following "socialism with Chinese characteristics" with "people as the masters of the country".
#Governing China with the Rule of Law.
#"Practise [[Core Socialist Values|socialist core values]]", including Marxism-Leninism and socialism with Chinese characteristics.
#"Improving people's livelihood and well-being is the primary goal of development".
#Coexist well with nature with "energy conservation and environmental protection" policies and "contribute to global ecological safety".
#Strengthen the national security of China.
#The Communist Party of China should have "absolute leadership over" China's [[People's Liberation Army]].
#Promoting the one country, two systems system for [[Hong Kong]] and [[Macau]] with a future of "complete national reunification" and to follow the One-China principle and 1992 Consensus for [[Taiwan]].
#Establish a common destiny between the Chinese people and other peoples around the world with a "peaceful international environment".
#Improve party discipline in the Communist Party of China.
In subsequent official party documentation and pronouncements by Xi's colleagues, the thought has been said to be a continuation of Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, [[Deng Xiaoping Theory]], "the important thought of the [[Three Represents]]" and the [[Scientific Outlook on Development]] as part of a series of guiding ideologies that embody "Marxism adapted to Chinese conditions".

==The 21 Characteristics of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era==
According to the "''Xi Jinping's New Era Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Study Outline" ,'' these are the following 21 characteristics:<ref>[http://theory.people.com.cn/GB/68294/428935/index.html "Xi Jinping's New Era Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Study Outline"] - People.Cn</ref>

=== '''1. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the guiding ideology that the party and the country must adhere to for a long time''' ===
The Nineteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China established Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the guiding ideology that the party must adhere to for a long time and solemnly wrote it into the party constitution, realizing the advancement of the party's guiding ideology with the times. This is a historic decision and historic contribution, reflecting the party's high degree of maturity and confidence in politics and theory. The Amendment to the Constitution adopted at the first session of the Thirteenth National People's Congress solemnly incorporated Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era into the Constitution, realizing the state's guiding ideology to keep pace with the times and reflecting the spirit of the people of all ethnic groups in the country. The common will and the common will of the whole society. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the ideological banner of the Communist Party of China in the new era, the fundamental guideline for the country’s political and social life, and Marxism in contemporary China and Marxism in the 21st century.

=== 2. Socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era ===
Socialism has always been pioneering and advancing, and it must continue to develop as the situation and conditions change. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "After long-term efforts, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era. This is a new historical orientation for my country's development." The connotation provides us with the era coordinates and basic basis for us to deeply grasp the new stage and new characteristics of contemporary China's development, and scientifically formulate the party's line, principles and policies.

=== 3. The Fundamental Direction of Development and Progress in Contemporary China ===
Rivers and lakes always have their sources, and trees as tall as thousands of feet have roots. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Socialism with Chinese characteristics did not fall from the sky. It is the fundamental achievement of the party and the people who have gone through untold hardships and paid a huge price." Socialism with Chinese characteristics was created in the new era of reform and opening up. Based on the long-term struggle of the party for more than 90 years, the source of its thought, theory and practice can be traced back even further. To understand the context of the formation and development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and fully understand its historical inevitability and scientific truth, we should extend the time scale and grasp it in the course of the evolution of socialism in the world.

=== 4. Adhere to the people-centered approach ===
The character of the people is the most distinctive character of Marxism. Always being with the people and fighting for the interests of the people is the fundamental difference between a Marxist political party and other political parties. As a Marxist political party, the Communist Party of China has always been consistent and unified with its party spirit and people's nature. It has no special interests of its own except for the interests of the country, the nation, and the people. Only by not seeking personal gain can we seek fundamental and great benefits, and only then can we proceed from the nature and fundamental purpose of the party, proceed from the fundamental interests of the people, and serve the people wholeheartedly.

=== 5. Realizing the Chinese Dream of the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation ===
The Chinese nation has created a splendid Chinese civilization, made outstanding contributions to mankind, and become a great nation in the world. After the Opium War, due to the invasion of Western powers and the corruption of feudal rule, China gradually fell into the dark abyss of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The self-improving Chinese nation has never given up its yearning and pursuit of beautiful dreams.

=== 6. Start a new journey of building a modern socialist country in an all-round way ===
After the founding of New China, our party has carried out arduous exploration of socialist modernization. Comrade Mao Zedong proposed that our task "is to settle down so that we can build our country's modernized industry, modernized agriculture, modernized science and culture, and modernized national defense." Entering a new historical period of reform and opening up, Comrade Deng Xiaoping established the correct path for my country to realize socialist modernization based on new reality and historical experience. He pointed out: "From the first year of the 1980s, we must not delay a single day, concentrate on the four modernizations." This matter should not be disturbed at any time, and must be carried out unswervingly and wholeheartedly.” Since the reform and opening up, the party’s previous national congresses have made strategic plans for advancing socialist modernization. In practice and exploration, our party has achieved a series of major achievements in accelerating the realization of modernization, consolidating and developing socialism, and greatly promoted the historical process of socialist modernization.

=== 7. The leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics ===
The Communist Party of China is the vanguard of the Chinese working class, as well as the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. It plays an irreplaceable leading and core role in promoting the progress of Chinese history. After an in-depth understanding of China's modern history, it is not difficult to find that without the leadership of the Communist Party of China, our country and our nation could not have achieved the achievements they have today, nor could they have achieved the international status they have today. It is correct for history and the people to choose the Chinese Communist Party to lead the cause of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. In the form of the fundamental law of the country, the Constitution of our country has confirmed the great struggle and fundamental achievements of the party leading the people in revolution, construction and reform, confirmed the ruling status of the Communist Party of China, and confirmed the core of the party's overall control and coordination of all parties in the state power structure. The status provides the fundamental legal basis for our party's long-term governance.

=== 8. Carry out comprehensive deepening reform to the end ===
Each era has its own problems, and each generation has its own mission. As the reform enters the critical period and the deep-water area, the resistance encountered is increasing, and there are more and more hidden reefs, undercurrents, and eddies. Problems in development and problems after development, general contradictions and deep-seated contradictions are intertwined and superimposed and intricate. The reforms that are easy and satisfying to all have been completed, all the good meat has been eaten, and the rest are tough nuts. The contradictions in the reform and opening up can only be resolved by means of reform and opening up. To move forward, China must comprehensively deepen reforms. There is no other way but to comprehensively deepen reforms.

=== 9. Comprehensively promote the rule of law ===
Comprehensive rule of law is an essential requirement and an important guarantee for upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. It is related to the governance and rejuvenation of our party, the happiness and well-being of the people, and the development of the cause of the party and the country. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that "the overall goal of comprehensively promoting the rule of law is to build a socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics and a socialist country ruled by law." This overall goal not only clarifies the nature and direction of advancing the rule of law in an all-round way, but also highlights the key points of work and the overall starting point, which is of great significance.

=== 10. Leading high-quality economic development with new development concepts ===
Innovation is the primary driving force leading development. Innovation and development focus on solving the problem of development motivation. Innovation must be placed at the core of the overall development of the country, so that innovation runs through all the work of the party and the country. Coordination is an inherent requirement for sustainable and healthy development. Coordinated development focuses on solving the problem of unbalanced development. It is necessary to correctly handle major relationships in development and continuously enhance the integrity of development. Green is a necessary condition for sustainable development and an important manifestation of people's pursuit of a better life. Green development focuses on solving the problem of harmonious coexistence between man and nature. It must realize the synergy between economic and social development and ecological environmental protection, and create good production for the people. living environment. Opening up is the only way for a country to prosper and develop. Opening up and developing focuses on solving the problem of internal and external linkages of development. It is necessary to develop a higher level of open economy in order to expand opening up and promote reform and development. Sharing is the essential requirement of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Shared development focuses on solving the problem of social fairness and justice. We must insist on sharing for all, comprehensive sharing, joint construction and sharing, and gradual sharing, so as to continuously promote the common prosperity of all people.

=== 11. Develop Socialist Democratic Politics ===
To follow the path of socialist political development with Chinese characteristics, we must always maintain political determination. If this point is not well grasped, not firmly grasped, and goes astray, not only will it be difficult to do well in the construction of political civilization, but it will also cause damage to the cause of the party and the people. We need to learn from the beneficial achievements of foreign political civilization, but we must not abandon the fundamentals of China's political system. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "Copying the political system of other countries will not work, it will be unaccustomed to the environment, it will draw tigers instead of anti-dogs, and it will even ruin the country's future and destiny. Only a system that is rooted in the country's soil and absorbs abundant nutrients is the most reliable. It is also the most effective.” To maintain political concentration, persist in proceeding from national conditions and reality, we must not only grasp the long-term historical inheritance, but also grasp the development path we have traveled, accumulated political experience, and formed political principles. We must grasp realistic requirements and focus on solving practical problems. We cannot cut off history, and we cannot imagine that a "flying peak" in the political system will suddenly move. We must strengthen our confidence in the socialist political system with Chinese characteristics, and strengthen our confidence and determination to take the road of socialist political development with Chinese characteristics.

=== 12. Promoting the Prosperity and Prosperity of Socialist Culture ===
Culture is the soul of a country and a nation. Cultural self-confidence is a more basic, broader and deeper self-confidence, and a more basic, deeper and more lasting force in the development of a country or a nation. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "Without a high degree of cultural confidence and cultural prosperity, there will be no great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." Strengthening the confidence in the path, theory, and system of socialism with Chinese characteristics is, in the final analysis, to strengthen cultural confidence.

=== 13. Lead the people to create a happier and better life ===
To protect and improve people's livelihood, we must do our best and act according to our capabilities. People's livelihood work directly meets and reconciles with ordinary people, and promises must be fulfilled. Never write a bad promise, otherwise you will lose the trust of the people. We must stick to the bottom line, highlight key points, improve the system, guide expectations, persevere in doing a good job in people's livelihood, do one thing after another, year after year, and move forward with perseverance, so that the masses can see the changes and get benefits. At the same time, our country is still and will be in the primary stage of socialism for a long time to come. Improving people's livelihood cannot be divorced from this greatest reality and set too high a goal. We must persist in proceeding from reality, gradually improve people's living standards according to economic development and financial conditions, and do what can be done under realistic conditions.

=== 14. Building a Beautiful China ===
When the ecology prospers, the civilization prospers, and when the ecology declines, the civilization declines. The ecological environment is the foundation of human survival and development, and changes in the ecological environment directly affect the rise and fall of civilizations. There are many examples of this in ancient and modern China and abroad. The four ancient civilizations of ancient Egypt, ancient Babylon, ancient India, and ancient China all originated in areas with dense forests, abundant water, and fertile fields. The decline of the ecological environment, especially the severe land desertification, led to the decline of ancient Egypt and ancient Babylon. Some areas in ancient my country also had painful lessons. The Hexi Corridor and the Loess Plateau used to be rich in water and grass. Due to deforestation and deforestation, the ecological environment was severely damaged and the economic decline was exacerbated.

=== 15. Resolutely Safeguard National Sovereignty, Security, and Development Interests ===
The key to the overall national security concept lies in the "overall", emphasizing the systematic thinking and methods to do a good job in national security work, highlighting the concept of "big security", covering politics, military, land, economy, culture, society, technology, network, Ecology, resources, nuclear, overseas interests, space, deep sea, polar regions, biology and many other fields are ubiquitous and will continue to expand with the development of society. Implementing the overall national security concept requires us to pay attention to both development and security issues, external security and internal security, homeland security and national security, traditional security and non-traditional security, our own security and national security. Attach importance to common security. It is necessary to improve the national security system, strengthen national security capacity building, and resolutely safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests.

=== 16. Build the people's army into a world-class army in an all-round way ===
Consolidating national defense and a strong military are the strategic support for upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Our country is in a critical stage of development from big to strong, and has approached the center of the world stage like never before. The prospect is very bright, but the challenges are also very severe. National defense and army building are the strong backing for national security, and military means are the guarantee for realizing our great dreams. Make the army stronger, so that it will be confident and strong. We must obey and serve the party's historical mission, grasp the strategic needs of national security in the new era, provide strategic support for consolidating the leadership of the Communist Party of China and my country's socialist system, provide strategic support for safeguarding national sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity, and provide strategic support for expanding my country's overseas interests. Strategic support provides strategic support for promoting world peace and development, and undertakes the mission of the new era entrusted by the party and the people.

=== 17. Realizing the complete reunification of the motherland is the fundamental interest of the Chinese nation ===
"One country, two systems" is a basic state policy of the country. "One country, two systems" means that within a unified country, the main body of the country implements the socialist system, while individual regions implement the capitalist system according to law. This is an unprecedented pioneering undertaking, and it has never been done in the past human political practice. In accordance with the great concept of "one country, two systems", Hong Kong and Macao have achieved a peaceful return, changing the so-called stereotype in history that whenever lost territory is regained, it is necessary to go to war. "One country, two systems" is a new way of thinking and a new solution provided by China for the international community to solve similar problems. It is a new contribution made by the Chinese nation to world peace and development.

=== 18. Promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind ===
Marx and Engels said: "The more completely the original closed state of each nation is eliminated due to the increasingly perfect mode of production, communication, and the division of labor between different nations naturally formed by communication, the more history will become world history." History And reality increasingly proves the scientific value of this prophecy. Today, the tide of economic globalization is rolling forward, the new technological revolution and industrial transformation are in-depth development, the global governance system is profoundly reshaping, the international landscape is evolving rapidly, and the trend of peaceful development is irreversible. The global nature of human exchanges is deeper and wider than ever before. Countries are interconnected and interdependent more frequently and closer than ever before. Peace, development, cooperation and win-win have become the trend of the times. The integrated world is there, and whoever rejects this world will also reject him.

=== 19. Building the Party Stronger and More Powerful ===
Our party is a Marxist ruling party and a Marxist revolutionary party. In the course of more than 90 years of struggle leading the Chinese revolution, construction, and reform, why can our party stand out in repeated contests of various political forces? Why can we always be at the forefront of the times and become the backbone of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation? The fundamental reason is that our party has always maintained the spirit of self-revolution, maintained the courage to admit and correct mistakes, picked up the scalpel time and time again to get rid of its own diseases, and solved its own problems time and time again.

=== 20. Master the Marxist method of thinking and working methods ===
Historical materialism is another important part of Marxist philosophy, and it is a science about the general law of the development of human society. To study and apply historical materialism, it is necessary to master the analysis method of basic social contradictions, combine the observation of the contradictory movement of productive forces and production relations with the contradictory movement of the economic base and superstructure, observe the basic contradictions of society as a whole, and comprehensively grasp the entire contradiction. The basic appearance and development direction of society; grasp the point of view that material production is the foundation of social life, promote the continuous development of social productive forces in our country, and realize the unity of continuous enrichment of things and all-round development of people; grasp the point of view that people are the creators of history, Adhere to the people-centered approach, so that development is for the people, development depends on the people, and the fruits of development are shared by the people.

=== 21. Armed with Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, seize the great victory of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era, and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation ===
One of the most important reasons why the Chinese Communist Party has been able to continue to grow and develop through hardships is that our party has always attached importance to building the party ideologically and strengthening the party theoretically, so that the whole party has always maintained a unified thinking, firm will, coordinated actions, and strong combat effectiveness. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st century Marxism. It is a powerful ideological weapon and action guide that leads the cause of the party and the country from victory to new victory.

== Xi's two political slogans ==
Just after becoming General Secretary of the Communist Party of China in late 2012, Xi announced a political slogan that would become the hallmark of his administration. "The [[Chinese Dream]]," he said, is "the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." Formulated by Wang Huning, Xi's dream of the two slogans are best described as achieving the Two Centenaries: the material goal of China becoming a "moderately well-off society" by 2021, the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party of China, and the modernization goal of China becoming a fully developed nation by about 2049, the 100th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic.<ref name=":0" />

== The Four Comprehensives ==
The '''Four Comprehensives''', or the '''Four-pronged Comprehensive Strategy''' (Chinese: 四个全面战略布局) is a list of political goals for China, put forward by Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2014. They are:<ref name=":0">[https://www.guancha.cn/culture/2015_05_04_318218.shtml "今年首批中央文献重要术语"外语版"出炉共30个".] ''www.guancha.cn''. Retrieved April 8, 2016.</ref>

# Comprehensively build a moderately prosperous society
# Comprehensively deepen reform
# Comprehensively govern the nation according to law
# Comprehensively strictly govern the Party.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20170705032337/http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2014-11/02/c_1113080850.htm Xi Jinping: To achieve a speed with quality and benefit, to achieve a speed without water . Xinhuanet.] 2014-11-02 [ 2017-02-28 </ref>

== The Two Establishes and the Two Safeguards ==
'''Two Establishes''' (Chinese: 两个确立; Pinyin: Liǎng gè quèlì ) and '''Two Safeguards''' (Chinese: 两个维护; Pinyin: Liǎng gè wéihù) are two political slogans promoted by the CPC to reinforce Comrade Xi Jinping's tenure. According to the CPC historical resolution, the Two Establishes are:

# "To establish the status of Comrade Xi Jinping as the core of the Party’s Central Committee and of the whole Party"
# "To establish the guiding role of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for the New Era"

According to the Sixth Plenum of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC, the Two Safeguards are:<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20220729191420/https://chinamediaproject.org/the_ccp_dictionary/two-establishes/ "Two Establishes"]. ''China Media Project''.</ref>

# "Safeguard the 'core' status of General Secretary Xi Jinping within the CPC"
# "To safeguard the centralized authority of the Party"

During the 20th National Congress of the CPC, the Two Safeguards was added to the CPC Constitution.<ref>[http://cpc.people.com.cn/20th/n1/2022/1026/c448334-32552477.html "中国共产党章程--中国共产党第二十次全国代表大会专题报道--人民网"]. ''People's Daily'' </ref>

== The Eight Musts ==
The '''Eight Musts''' (Chinese: 八个必须; Pinyin: Bā gè bìxū) are a policy set by the General Secretary Xi Jinping administration regarding the role of the Communist Party of China in Chinese society.<ref>[https://chinadigitaltimes.net/2013/01/the-xi-administration-introduces-the-eight-musts/ THE XI ADMINISTRATION INTRODUCES “EIGHT MUSTS”] - China Digital Times

</ref>

The Eight Musts are:

* We must persist in the dominant role of the people
* We must persist in liberating and developing social productive forces
* We must persist in moving reform and opening-up forward
* We must persist in safeguarding social fairness and justice
* We must persist in marching the path of being well-to-do together
* We must persist in stimulating social harmony
* We must persist in peaceful development
* We must persist in the leadership of the Party

== The Two Centenaries ==
The '''Two Centenaries''' (Chinese: 两个一百年; Pinyin: Liǎng gè yībǎi nián) is a political slogan that refers to two 100-year anniversaries and a stated set of economic and political goals advanced by General Secretary Xi Jinping following the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China held in 2012. The Chinese government describes the Two Centenaries as the basic foundation for achieving the "Chinese Dream".<ref>[https://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/19cpcnc/2017-10/28/c_1121870794.htm Authorized to publish: Constitution of the Communist Party of China] - Xinhua.net</ref>

The "centenaries" refer to two 100-year anniversaries:

# The centenary of the founding of the CPC in 1921. According to official CPC discourse, a ''Xiaokang'' society will have been achieved at the conclusion of this centenary. This goal has been achieved.
# The centenary of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 2049, at which point, China will have become a "strong, democratic, civilized, harmonious, and modern socialist country".<ref>[http://paper.people.com.cn/rmrb/html/2014-05/28/nw.D110000renmrb_20140528_1-01.htm 兩個一百年] - People's Daily</ref>

== Chinese Dream ==
The '''[[Chinese Dream]] (simplified Chinese: 中国梦; traditional Chinese: 中國夢; pinyin: ''Zhōngguó Mèng'')''' is a term closely associated with Xi Jinping which conveys the aspirations of China to rejuvenate itself and become a [[Moderately Prosperous Society|moderately prosperous society]]. Xi began promoting the phrase as a slogan during a high-profile tour of an exhibit at the National Museum of China in November 2012, shortly after he became leader of the CPC.<ref>[https://www.cnn.com/2014/03/14/world/asia/chinese-dream-anniversary-xi-jinping-president Xie, Tao (14 March 2014). "Opinion: Is President Xi Jinping's Chinese dream fantasy or reality?" – CNN]</ref>

According to an opinion piece by Robert Lawrence Kuhn, published by China's state-controlled newspaper ''[[China Daily]]'', the Chinese Dream has four parts: "strong China", "civilized China", "harmonious China", and "beautiful China". Kuhn states, "the Chinese dream is described as achieving the 'Two 100s'", a concept promoted by Xi Jinping, adding, "The material goal of China becoming a 'moderately well-off society' by about 2020" and "The modernization goal of China becoming a fully developed nation by about 2050".<ref>[http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/opinion/2013-07/19/content_16814756.htm "Understanding the Chinese dream"]. ''Chinadaily.com.cn''.</ref>

== Circulation of Xi Jinping Thought ==
Circulating the ideas of Xi Jinping Thought began shortly after a 2017 speech, particularly to academic and cultural communities, as well as the wider Chinese public.

Content from Xi's 2017 speech is used in public messages, described as being 'pervasive' by a Beijing correspondent for the ''[[The New York Times|New York Times]].'' A poster featuring the slogan "Chinese Dream" comes from the speech, where the phrase is used 31 times. In July 2018, the carriages of a train in Changchun Subway were decked out in red and dozens of Xi's quotes to celebrate the 97th anniversary of Communist Party of China. The train was described as a "highly condensed spiritual manual" of Xi Jinping Thought by the local government. In January 2019, Alibaba Group released an app called ''Xuexi Qiangguo'' for studying Xi Jinping Thought.

By the end of 2017, dozens of Chinese universities had established research institutes for Xi Jinping Thought, applying Xi's stated principle of bringing the thought into all aspects of daily life. Academics such as Jiang Shigong went on to write expositions of Xi Jinping Thought. In December 2019, Fudan University added content concerning the inculcation of teachers and students in Xi Jinping Thought into its charter.

In mid-2021, the Ministry of Education announced that Xi Jinping Thought would be taught to Chinese students beginning at the primary school level.

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

[[Category:Ideology of the Communist Party of China]]
[[Category:Mao Zedong Thought]]

Xi Jinping Thought

2023-06-16T04:33:11Z

RedPowerBall: /* The 21 Characteristics of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era */ Removed italics from header for front end formatting

[[File:XiJinping2007.jpg|thumb|[[Xi Jinping]], then a member of the [[Communist Party of China|CPC]] Politburo, in 2007. The thought is named after him]]
'''Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era''' ('''XJT''' or '''XJToSwCCfaNE'''; Simplified Chinese:习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想; Pinyin: Xíjìnpíng xīn shídài zhōngguó tèsè shèhuì zhǔyì sīxiǎng) is Comrade Xi Jinping's contribution to [[Socialism with Chinese Characteristics]] in a new era (the 21st century) of increased competition and souring relations with [[capitalism|capitalist]] and [[imperialism|imperialist]] nations, the rise of global [[fascism]], [[climate change]] and an impending world conflict.

Xi Jinping Thought is [[Marxism–Leninism]] and [[Mao Zedong Thought]] suited to [[People's Republic of China|China]]'s current material conditions. XJT aims to make China into a prosperous and powerful [[socialism|socialist]] country by 2050, with the goal of rooting out corruption in the CPC, strengthening national security, green development, full national reunification, improving peoples' living standards and [[poverty reduction|alleviation of poverty]], in order to set the stage for the necessary conditions to be able to eventually reach [[communism|full communism]].

== On self-criticism, self-discipline, self revolution and self-governing of the Party ==
On January 18, 2022, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, President of the State, and Chairman of the Central Military Commission, delivered an important speech at the sixth plenary meeting of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China.<ref>[http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2023-01/31/content_5739409.htm Xi Jinping: Comprehensively and strictly governing the party has explored a successful path to rely on the party's self-revolution to jump out of the historical cycle rate] - gov.cn</ref>

According to him, the fight against corruption has stopped some unhealthy tendencies that have not been stopped for many years and eliminated serious hidden dangers that existed within the party, the state, and the army, and fundamentally reversed the lax governance of the party. Without comprehensive and strict governance of the party, there would be no such a highly united and powerful Communist Party of China today, and there would be no relationship between the party and the people that is united in the face of difficulties, and it would be impossible to survive in a world where all guns are pointed towards China.

Xi believes the way to jump out of the historical cyclical rate of nations rising and falling was created by Mao Zedong which was the [[Mass line|Mass Line]]. And the second answer was from the 18th National Congress of the Party, which is "Self Revolution", which he outlines as:<blockquote>"Self-revolution is to supplement calcium and strengthen bones, detoxify and sterilize, strong men cut wrists, remove putrefaction and regenerate muscles, constantly eliminate viruses that erode the party's healthy body, continuously improve self-immunity, and prevent death. The courage to self-revolution and acceptance of people's supervision are inherently consistent, and both originate from the original mission of the party. Over the past 100 years, the party has relied on developing people's democracy and accepting people's supervision outside the party, comprehensively and strictly governing the party internally, promoting self-revolution, courageously upholding the truth, correcting mistakes, and courageously turning the blade inward to cure the poison, ensuring the long-term prosperity of the party. Persistence, continuous development and growth. I will be selfless, live up to the people, and always represent the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the people. Only then can I examine myself in a thorough self-revolutionary spirit, often reflect on my own mistakes, and resolutely fight against all factors that damage the party's advanced nature and purity; Get rid of the "siege" and corruption of all interest groups, power groups, and privileged classes, and attack those who have become partners of these groups, groups, and classes in the party, so as to maintain the vitality of the party forever; only then can the people trust us, support us, and sincerely Help us correct our shortcomings and firmly follow the party to fight together. Strictly governing the party in an all-round way is the great practice of the party's self-revolution in the new era, and it has opened up a new realm of the century-old party's self-revolution."</blockquote>

== On China, Capitalism and the USSR ==
In surveying the history of China, Xi argued it is "Marxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought that guided the Chinese people out of the darkness of that long night and established a New China." And, as to the future, "the consolidation and development of the socialist system will require its own long period of history... it will require the tireless struggle of generations, up to ten generations."

On the relationship with capitalist nations, Xi said, "[[Karl Marx|Marx]] and [[Friedrich Engels|Engels]]' analysis of the basic contradictions in capitalist society is not outdated, nor is the [[Historical materialism|historical materialist]] view that capitalism is bound to die out and socialism is bound to win." Xi aimed to reinforce the Marxist–Leninist view of history, stating: "The fundamental reason why some of our comrades have weak ideals and faltering beliefs is that their views lack a firm grounding in historical materialism."

Xi showed great interest in why the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet Union]] [[Dissolution of the Soviet Union|ceased to exist]], and how to avoid that failure in China:<blockquote>Why did the Soviet Union disintegrate? Why did the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] fall from power? An important reason was that the struggle in the field of ideology was extremely intense, completely negating the history of the Soviet Union, negating the history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, negating [[Lenin]], negating [[Stalin]], creating historical nihilism and confused thinking. Party organs at all levels had lost their functions, the military was no longer under Party leadership. In the end, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, a great party, was scattered, the Soviet Union, a great socialist country, disintegrated. This is a cautionary tale!</blockquote>

== 14 point basic policy of Xi Jinping Thought ==
The concepts behind Xi Jinping Thought were elaborated in Xi's ''[[The Governance of China]]'' book series, published by the Foreign Languages Press for an international audience. Volume one was published in September 2014, followed by volume two in November 2017, followed by volume three in June 2020 and volume four in July 2022.
[[File:XiJinpingThought.jpg|thumb|The 14-point basic policy of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era]]
Xi Jinping Thought consists of a 14-point basic policy as follows:<ref>[http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/19th-party-congress-xi-jinping-outlines-new-thought-on-socialism-with-chinese-traits Goh, Sui Noi (18 October 2017). "19th Party Congress: Xi Jinping outlines new thought on socialism with Chinese traits"]. ''Straits Times''.</ref>
#Ensuring Communist Party of China leadership over all forms of work in China.
#The Communist Party of China should take a people-centric approach for the public interest.
#The continuation of "comprehensive deepening of reforms".
#Adopting new science-based ideas for "innovative, coordinated, green, open and shared development".
#Following "socialism with Chinese characteristics" with "people as the masters of the country".
#Governing China with the Rule of Law.
#"Practise [[Core Socialist Values|socialist core values]]", including Marxism-Leninism and socialism with Chinese characteristics.
#"Improving people's livelihood and well-being is the primary goal of development".
#Coexist well with nature with "energy conservation and environmental protection" policies and "contribute to global ecological safety".
#Strengthen the national security of China.
#The Communist Party of China should have "absolute leadership over" China's [[People's Liberation Army]].
#Promoting the one country, two systems system for [[Hong Kong]] and [[Macau]] with a future of "complete national reunification" and to follow the One-China principle and 1992 Consensus for [[Taiwan]].
#Establish a common destiny between the Chinese people and other peoples around the world with a "peaceful international environment".
#Improve party discipline in the Communist Party of China.
In subsequent official party documentation and pronouncements by Xi's colleagues, the thought has been said to be a continuation of Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, [[Deng Xiaoping Theory]], "the important thought of the [[Three Represents]]" and the [[Scientific Outlook on Development]] as part of a series of guiding ideologies that embody "Marxism adapted to Chinese conditions".

==The 21 Characteristics of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era==
According to the "''Xi Jinping's New Era Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Study Outline" ,'' these are the following 21 characteristics:<ref>[http://theory.people.com.cn/GB/68294/428935/index.html "Xi Jinping's New Era Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Study Outline"] - People.Cn</ref>

=== '''1. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the guiding ideology that the party and the country must adhere to for a long time''' ===
The Nineteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China established Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the guiding ideology that the party must adhere to for a long time and solemnly wrote it into the party constitution, realizing the advancement of the party's guiding ideology with the times. This is a historic decision and historic contribution, reflecting the party's high degree of maturity and confidence in politics and theory. The Amendment to the Constitution adopted at the first session of the Thirteenth National People's Congress solemnly incorporated Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era into the Constitution, realizing the state's guiding ideology to keep pace with the times and reflecting the spirit of the people of all ethnic groups in the country. The common will and the common will of the whole society. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the ideological banner of the Communist Party of China in the new era, the fundamental guideline for the country’s political and social life, and Marxism in contemporary China and Marxism in the 21st century.

=== 2. Socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era ===
Socialism has always been pioneering and advancing, and it must continue to develop as the situation and conditions change. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "After long-term efforts, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era. This is a new historical orientation for my country's development." The connotation provides us with the era coordinates and basic basis for us to deeply grasp the new stage and new characteristics of contemporary China's development, and scientifically formulate the party's line, principles and policies.

=== 3. The Fundamental Direction of Development and Progress in Contemporary China ===
Rivers and lakes always have their sources, and trees as tall as thousands of feet have roots. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Socialism with Chinese characteristics did not fall from the sky. It is the fundamental achievement of the party and the people who have gone through untold hardships and paid a huge price." Socialism with Chinese characteristics was created in the new era of reform and opening up. Based on the long-term struggle of the party for more than 90 years, the source of its thought, theory and practice can be traced back even further. To understand the context of the formation and development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and fully understand its historical inevitability and scientific truth, we should extend the time scale and grasp it in the course of the evolution of socialism in the world.

=== 4. Adhere to the people-centered approach ===
The character of the people is the most distinctive character of Marxism. Always being with the people and fighting for the interests of the people is the fundamental difference between a Marxist political party and other political parties. As a Marxist political party, the Communist Party of China has always been consistent and unified with its party spirit and people's nature. It has no special interests of its own except for the interests of the country, the nation, and the people. Only by not seeking personal gain can we seek fundamental and great benefits, and only then can we proceed from the nature and fundamental purpose of the party, proceed from the fundamental interests of the people, and serve the people wholeheartedly.

=== 5. Realizing the Chinese Dream of the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation ===
The Chinese nation has created a splendid Chinese civilization, made outstanding contributions to mankind, and become a great nation in the world. After the Opium War, due to the invasion of Western powers and the corruption of feudal rule, China gradually fell into the dark abyss of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The self-improving Chinese nation has never given up its yearning and pursuit of beautiful dreams.

=== 6. Start a new journey of building a modern socialist country in an all-round way ===
After the founding of New China, our party has carried out arduous exploration of socialist modernization. Comrade Mao Zedong proposed that our task "is to settle down so that we can build our country's modernized industry, modernized agriculture, modernized science and culture, and modernized national defense." Entering a new historical period of reform and opening up, Comrade Deng Xiaoping established the correct path for my country to realize socialist modernization based on new reality and historical experience. He pointed out: "From the first year of the 1980s, we must not delay a single day, concentrate on the four modernizations." This matter should not be disturbed at any time, and must be carried out unswervingly and wholeheartedly.” Since the reform and opening up, the party’s previous national congresses have made strategic plans for advancing socialist modernization. In practice and exploration, our party has achieved a series of major achievements in accelerating the realization of modernization, consolidating and developing socialism, and greatly promoted the historical process of socialist modernization.

=== 7. The leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics ===
The Communist Party of China is the vanguard of the Chinese working class, as well as the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. It plays an irreplaceable leading and core role in promoting the progress of Chinese history. After an in-depth understanding of China's modern history, it is not difficult to find that without the leadership of the Communist Party of China, our country and our nation could not have achieved the achievements they have today, nor could they have achieved the international status they have today. It is correct for history and the people to choose the Chinese Communist Party to lead the cause of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. In the form of the fundamental law of the country, the Constitution of our country has confirmed the great struggle and fundamental achievements of the party leading the people in revolution, construction and reform, confirmed the ruling status of the Communist Party of China, and confirmed the core of the party's overall control and coordination of all parties in the state power structure. The status provides the fundamental legal basis for our party's long-term governance.

=== 8. Carry out comprehensive deepening reform to the end ===
Each era has its own problems, and each generation has its own mission. As the reform enters the critical period and the deep-water area, the resistance encountered is increasing, and there are more and more hidden reefs, undercurrents, and eddies. Problems in development and problems after development, general contradictions and deep-seated contradictions are intertwined and superimposed and intricate. The reforms that are easy and satisfying to all have been completed, all the good meat has been eaten, and the rest are tough nuts. The contradictions in the reform and opening up can only be resolved by means of reform and opening up. To move forward, China must comprehensively deepen reforms. There is no other way but to comprehensively deepen reforms.

=== 9. Comprehensively promote the rule of law ===
Comprehensive rule of law is an essential requirement and an important guarantee for upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. It is related to the governance and rejuvenation of our party, the happiness and well-being of the people, and the development of the cause of the party and the country. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that "the overall goal of comprehensively promoting the rule of law is to build a socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics and a socialist country ruled by law." This overall goal not only clarifies the nature and direction of advancing the rule of law in an all-round way, but also highlights the key points of work and the overall starting point, which is of great significance.

=== 10. Leading high-quality economic development with new development concepts ===
Innovation is the primary driving force leading development. Innovation and development focus on solving the problem of development motivation. Innovation must be placed at the core of the overall development of the country, so that innovation runs through all the work of the party and the country. Coordination is an inherent requirement for sustainable and healthy development. Coordinated development focuses on solving the problem of unbalanced development. It is necessary to correctly handle major relationships in development and continuously enhance the integrity of development. Green is a necessary condition for sustainable development and an important manifestation of people's pursuit of a better life. Green development focuses on solving the problem of harmonious coexistence between man and nature. It must realize the synergy between economic and social development and ecological environmental protection, and create good production for the people. living environment. Opening up is the only way for a country to prosper and develop. Opening up and developing focuses on solving the problem of internal and external linkages of development. It is necessary to develop a higher level of open economy in order to expand opening up and promote reform and development. Sharing is the essential requirement of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Shared development focuses on solving the problem of social fairness and justice. We must insist on sharing for all, comprehensive sharing, joint construction and sharing, and gradual sharing, so as to continuously promote the common prosperity of all people.

=== 11. Develop Socialist Democratic Politics ===
To follow the path of socialist political development with Chinese characteristics, we must always maintain political determination. If this point is not well grasped, not firmly grasped, and goes astray, not only will it be difficult to do well in the construction of political civilization, but it will also cause damage to the cause of the party and the people. We need to learn from the beneficial achievements of foreign political civilization, but we must not abandon the fundamentals of China's political system. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "Copying the political system of other countries will not work, it will be unaccustomed to the environment, it will draw tigers instead of anti-dogs, and it will even ruin the country's future and destiny. Only a system that is rooted in the country's soil and absorbs abundant nutrients is the most reliable. It is also the most effective.” To maintain political concentration, persist in proceeding from national conditions and reality, we must not only grasp the long-term historical inheritance, but also grasp the development path we have traveled, accumulated political experience, and formed political principles. We must grasp realistic requirements and focus on solving practical problems. We cannot cut off history, and we cannot imagine that a "flying peak" in the political system will suddenly move. We must strengthen our confidence in the socialist political system with Chinese characteristics, and strengthen our confidence and determination to take the road of socialist political development with Chinese characteristics.

=== 12. Promoting the Prosperity and Prosperity of Socialist Culture ===
Culture is the soul of a country and a nation. Cultural self-confidence is a more basic, broader and deeper self-confidence, and a more basic, deeper and more lasting force in the development of a country or a nation. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "Without a high degree of cultural confidence and cultural prosperity, there will be no great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." Strengthening the confidence in the path, theory, and system of socialism with Chinese characteristics is, in the final analysis, to strengthen cultural confidence.

=== 13. Lead the people to create a happier and better life ===
To protect and improve people's livelihood, we must do our best and act according to our capabilities. People's livelihood work directly meets and reconciles with ordinary people, and promises must be fulfilled. Never write a bad promise, otherwise you will lose the trust of the people. We must stick to the bottom line, highlight key points, improve the system, guide expectations, persevere in doing a good job in people's livelihood, do one thing after another, year after year, and move forward with perseverance, so that the masses can see the changes and get benefits. At the same time, our country is still and will be in the primary stage of socialism for a long time to come. Improving people's livelihood cannot be divorced from this greatest reality and set too high a goal. We must persist in proceeding from reality, gradually improve people's living standards according to economic development and financial conditions, and do what can be done under realistic conditions.

=== 14. Building a Beautiful China ===
When the ecology prospers, the civilization prospers, and when the ecology declines, the civilization declines. The ecological environment is the foundation of human survival and development, and changes in the ecological environment directly affect the rise and fall of civilizations. There are many examples of this in ancient and modern China and abroad. The four ancient civilizations of ancient Egypt, ancient Babylon, ancient India, and ancient China all originated in areas with dense forests, abundant water, and fertile fields. The decline of the ecological environment, especially the severe land desertification, led to the decline of ancient Egypt and ancient Babylon. Some areas in ancient my country also had painful lessons. The Hexi Corridor and the Loess Plateau used to be rich in water and grass. Due to deforestation and deforestation, the ecological environment was severely damaged and the economic decline was exacerbated.

=== 15. Resolutely Safeguard National Sovereignty, Security, and Development Interests ===
The key to the overall national security concept lies in the "overall", emphasizing the systematic thinking and methods to do a good job in national security work, highlighting the concept of "big security", covering politics, military, land, economy, culture, society, technology, network, Ecology, resources, nuclear, overseas interests, space, deep sea, polar regions, biology and many other fields are ubiquitous and will continue to expand with the development of society. Implementing the overall national security concept requires us to pay attention to both development and security issues, external security and internal security, homeland security and national security, traditional security and non-traditional security, our own security and national security. Attach importance to common security. It is necessary to improve the national security system, strengthen national security capacity building, and resolutely safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests.

=== 16. Build the people's army into a world-class army in an all-round way ===
Consolidating national defense and a strong military are the strategic support for upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Our country is in a critical stage of development from big to strong, and has approached the center of the world stage like never before. The prospect is very bright, but the challenges are also very severe. National defense and army building are the strong backing for national security, and military means are the guarantee for realizing our great dreams. Make the army stronger, so that it will be confident and strong. We must obey and serve the party's historical mission, grasp the strategic needs of national security in the new era, provide strategic support for consolidating the leadership of the Communist Party of China and my country's socialist system, provide strategic support for safeguarding national sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity, and provide strategic support for expanding my country's overseas interests. Strategic support provides strategic support for promoting world peace and development, and undertakes the mission of the new era entrusted by the party and the people.

=== 17. Realizing the complete reunification of the motherland is the fundamental interest of the Chinese nation ===
"One country, two systems" is a basic state policy of the country. "One country, two systems" means that within a unified country, the main body of the country implements the socialist system, while individual regions implement the capitalist system according to law. This is an unprecedented pioneering undertaking, and it has never been done in the past human political practice. In accordance with the great concept of "one country, two systems", Hong Kong and Macao have achieved a peaceful return, changing the so-called stereotype in history that whenever lost territory is regained, it is necessary to go to war. "One country, two systems" is a new way of thinking and a new solution provided by China for the international community to solve similar problems. It is a new contribution made by the Chinese nation to world peace and development.

=== 18. Promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind ===
Marx and Engels said: "The more completely the original closed state of each nation is eliminated due to the increasingly perfect mode of production, communication, and the division of labor between different nations naturally formed by communication, the more history will become world history." History And reality increasingly proves the scientific value of this prophecy. Today, the tide of economic globalization is rolling forward, the new technological revolution and industrial transformation are in-depth development, the global governance system is profoundly reshaping, the international landscape is evolving rapidly, and the trend of peaceful development is irreversible. The global nature of human exchanges is deeper and wider than ever before. Countries are interconnected and interdependent more frequently and closer than ever before. Peace, development, cooperation and win-win have become the trend of the times. The integrated world is there, and whoever rejects this world will also reject him.

=== 19. Building the Party Stronger and More Powerful ===
Our party is a Marxist ruling party and a Marxist revolutionary party. In the course of more than 90 years of struggle leading the Chinese revolution, construction, and reform, why can our party stand out in repeated contests of various political forces? Why can we always be at the forefront of the times and become the backbone of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation? The fundamental reason is that our party has always maintained the spirit of self-revolution, maintained the courage to admit and correct mistakes, picked up the scalpel time and time again to get rid of its own diseases, and solved its own problems time and time again.

=== 20. Master the Marxist method of thinking and working methods ===
Historical materialism is another important part of Marxist philosophy, and it is a science about the general law of the development of human society. To study and apply historical materialism, it is necessary to master the analysis method of basic social contradictions, combine the observation of the contradictory movement of productive forces and production relations with the contradictory movement of the economic base and superstructure, observe the basic contradictions of society as a whole, and comprehensively grasp the entire contradiction. The basic appearance and development direction of society; grasp the point of view that material production is the foundation of social life, promote the continuous development of social productive forces in our country, and realize the unity of continuous enrichment of things and all-round development of people; grasp the point of view that people are the creators of history, Adhere to the people-centered approach, so that development is for the people, development depends on the people, and the fruits of development are shared by the people.

=== 21. Armed with Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, seize the great victory of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era, and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation ===
One of the most important reasons why the Chinese Communist Party has been able to continue to grow and develop through hardships is that our party has always attached importance to building the party ideologically and strengthening the party theoretically, so that the whole party has always maintained a unified thinking, firm will, coordinated actions, and strong combat effectiveness. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st century Marxism. It is a powerful ideological weapon and action guide that leads the cause of the party and the country from victory to new victory.

== Xi's two political slogans ==
Just after becoming General Secretary of the Communist Party of China in late 2012, Xi announced a political slogan that would become the hallmark of his administration. "The [[Chinese Dream]]," he said, is "the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." Formulated by Wang Huning, Xi's dream of the two slogans are best described as achieving the Two Centenaries: the material goal of China becoming a "moderately well-off society" by 2021, the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party of China, and the modernization goal of China becoming a fully developed nation by about 2049, the 100th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic.<ref name=":0" />

== The Four Comprehensives ==
The '''Four Comprehensives''', or the '''Four-pronged Comprehensive Strategy''' (Chinese: 四个全面战略布局) is a list of political goals for China, put forward by Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2014. They are:<ref name=":0">[https://www.guancha.cn/culture/2015_05_04_318218.shtml "今年首批中央文献重要术语"外语版"出炉共30个".] ''www.guancha.cn''. Retrieved April 8, 2016.</ref>

# Comprehensively build a moderately prosperous society
# Comprehensively deepen reform
# Comprehensively govern the nation according to law
# Comprehensively strictly govern the Party.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20170705032337/http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2014-11/02/c_1113080850.htm Xi Jinping: To achieve a speed with quality and benefit, to achieve a speed without water . Xinhuanet.] 2014-11-02 [ 2017-02-28 </ref>

== The Two Establishes and the Two Safeguards ==
'''Two Establishes''' (Chinese: 两个确立; Pinyin: Liǎng gè quèlì ) and '''Two Safeguards''' (Chinese: 两个维护; Pinyin: Liǎng gè wéihù) are two political slogans promoted by the CPC to reinforce Comrade Xi Jinping's tenure. According to the CPC historical resolution, the Two Establishes are:

# "To establish the status of Comrade Xi Jinping as the core of the Party’s Central Committee and of the whole Party"
# "To establish the guiding role of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for the New Era"

According to the Sixth Plenum of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC, the Two Safeguards are:<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20220729191420/https://chinamediaproject.org/the_ccp_dictionary/two-establishes/ "Two Establishes"]. ''China Media Project''.</ref>

# "Safeguard the 'core' status of General Secretary Xi Jinping within the CPC"
# "To safeguard the centralized authority of the Party"

During the 20th National Congress of the CPC, the Two Safeguards was added to the CPC Constitution.<ref>[http://cpc.people.com.cn/20th/n1/2022/1026/c448334-32552477.html "中国共产党章程--中国共产党第二十次全国代表大会专题报道--人民网"]. ''People's Daily'' </ref>

== The Eight Musts ==
The '''Eight Musts''' (Chinese: 八个必须; Pinyin: Bā gè bìxū) are a policy set by the General Secretary Xi Jinping administration regarding the role of the Communist Party of China in Chinese society.<ref>[https://chinadigitaltimes.net/2013/01/the-xi-administration-introduces-the-eight-musts/ THE XI ADMINISTRATION INTRODUCES “EIGHT MUSTS”] - China Digital Times

</ref>

The Eight Musts are:

* We must persist in the dominant role of the people
* We must persist in liberating and developing social productive forces
* We must persist in moving reform and opening-up forward
* We must persist in safeguarding social fairness and justice
* We must persist in marching the path of being well-to-do together
* We must persist in stimulating social harmony
* We must persist in peaceful development
* We must persist in the leadership of the Party

== The Two Centenaries ==
The '''Two Centenaries''' (Chinese: 两个一百年; Pinyin: Liǎng gè yībǎi nián) is a political slogan that refers to two 100-year anniversaries and a stated set of economic and political goals advanced by General Secretary Xi Jinping following the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China held in 2012. The Chinese government describes the Two Centenaries as the basic foundation for achieving the "Chinese Dream".<ref>[https://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/19cpcnc/2017-10/28/c_1121870794.htm Authorized to publish: Constitution of the Communist Party of China] - Xinhua.net</ref>

The "centenaries" refer to two 100-year anniversaries:

# The centenary of the founding of the CPC in 1921. According to official CPC discourse, a ''Xiaokang'' society will have been achieved at the conclusion of this centenary. This goal has been achieved.
# The centenary of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 2049, at which point, China will have become a "strong, democratic, civilized, harmonious, and modern socialist country".<ref>[http://paper.people.com.cn/rmrb/html/2014-05/28/nw.D110000renmrb_20140528_1-01.htm 兩個一百年] - People's Daily</ref>

== Chinese Dream ==
The '''[[Chinese Dream]] (simplified Chinese: 中国梦; traditional Chinese: 中國夢; pinyin: ''Zhōngguó Mèng'')''' is a term closely associated with Xi Jinping which conveys the aspirations of China to rejuvenate itself and become a [[Moderately Prosperous Society|moderately prosperous society]]. Xi began promoting the phrase as a slogan during a high-profile tour of an exhibit at the National Museum of China in November 2012, shortly after he became leader of the CPC.<ref>[https://www.cnn.com/2014/03/14/world/asia/chinese-dream-anniversary-xi-jinping-president Xie, Tao (14 March 2014). "Opinion: Is President Xi Jinping's Chinese dream fantasy or reality?" – CNN]</ref>

According to an opinion piece by Robert Lawrence Kuhn, published by China's state-controlled newspaper ''[[China Daily]]'', the Chinese Dream has four parts: "strong China", "civilized China", "harmonious China", and "beautiful China". Kuhn states, "the Chinese dream is described as achieving the 'Two 100s'", a concept promoted by Xi Jinping, adding, "The material goal of China becoming a 'moderately well-off society' by about 2020" and "The modernization goal of China becoming a fully developed nation by about 2050".<ref>[http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/opinion/2013-07/19/content_16814756.htm "Understanding the Chinese dream"]. ''Chinadaily.com.cn''.</ref>

== Circulation of Xi Jinping Thought ==
Circulating the ideas of Xi Jinping Thought began shortly after a 2017 speech, particularly to academic and cultural communities, as well as the wider Chinese public.

Content from Xi's 2017 speech is used in public messages, described as being 'pervasive' by a Beijing correspondent for the ''[[The New York Times|New York Times]].'' A poster featuring the slogan "Chinese Dream" comes from the speech, where the phrase is used 31 times. In July 2018, the carriages of a train in Changchun Subway were decked out in red and dozens of Xi's quotes to celebrate the 97th anniversary of Communist Party of China. The train was described as a "highly condensed spiritual manual" of Xi Jinping Thought by the local government. In January 2019, Alibaba Group released an app called ''Xuexi Qiangguo'' for studying Xi Jinping Thought.

By the end of 2017, dozens of Chinese universities had established research institutes for Xi Jinping Thought, applying Xi's stated principle of bringing the thought into all aspects of daily life. Academics such as Jiang Shigong went on to write expositions of Xi Jinping Thought. In December 2019, Fudan University added content concerning the inculcation of teachers and students in Xi Jinping Thought into its charter.

In mid-2021, the Ministry of Education announced that Xi Jinping Thought would be taught to Chinese students beginning at the primary school level.

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

[[Category:Ideology of the Communist Party of China]]
[[Category:Mao Zedong Thought]]

Thomas Sankara

2023-06-16T03:42:28Z

RedPowerBall: Modifying grammar about upper volta being named to burkina faso

{{External article cleanup|date=November 2021}}
{{Infobox revolutionary
| name = Thomas Sankara
| image = File:Thomas Sankara.jpg
| image_size = 200px
| caption = Portrait of Comrade Sankara
| nationality = [[Burkina Faso|Burkinabé]]
|political_party=[[African Independence Party]]| birth_name = Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara
| birth_date = 21 December 1949
| birth_place = Yako, [[Upper volta|Upper Volta]]
| death_date = 15 October 1987
| death_place = Ouagadougou, [[Burkina Faso]]
| death_cause = Assassination
| political_line = [[Marxism-Leninism]]
}}
'''Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara''', generally known as '''Thomas Sankara''', was a [[Marxism-leninism|Marxist-Leninist]] Burkinabé military officer and political leader who was elected President of [[Burkina Faso]] (then Upper Volta, an ex-French colony) from 1983 to 1987 after a coup. He was often referred to as the "[[Che Guevara]] of [[Africa]]".<ref>[https://www.reuters.com/assets/print?aid=USL17577712 Burkina Faso Salutes "Africa's Che" Thomas Sankara] by Mathieu Bonkoungou, ''[[Reuters]]'', 17 October 2007</ref><ref name="Thomas Sankara Speaks 2007, pg 11">''Thomas Sankara Speaks: the Burkina Faso Revolution: 1983–87'', by Thomas Sankara, edited by Michel Prairie; Pathfinder, 2007, pg 11</ref><ref>[https://archive.is/20120702213957/http://static.rnw.nl/migratie/www.radionetherlands.nl/currentaffairs/071015-Burkina-Faso-Sankara-redirected "Thomas Sankara, Africa's Che Guevara"] by ''[[Radio Netherlands Worldwide]]'', 15 October 2007.</ref><ref>[http://sarahgoyens.blogspot.com/2009/01/africas-che-guevara.html "Africa's Che Guevara"] by ''Sarah in Burkina Faso''.</ref>

In 1983 Sankara launched the [[August Fourth Revolution]] to seize power with the goal of eliminating corruption and the influence of the former [[French Republic|French]] [[Colonialism|colonial]] [[Imperialism|empire]]. This was widely supported by the people.{{Citation needed}} After taking office, Sankara immediately launched a plan to try social and economic changes on the African continent.

One such social change is that he led his country in changing the French colonial name of "[[Upper Volta]]" to "[[Burkina Faso]]" ("Land of Incorruptible People") to symbolize the country's autonomy and rebirth.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Hubert|first1=Jules Deschamps|title=Burkina Faso|url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Burkina-Faso|website=Encyclopædia Britannica|publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190409175723/https://www.britannica.com/place/Burkina-Faso|accessdate=9 April 2019|archive-date=9 April 2019}}</ref>

Sankara's foreign policy centered on [[anti-imperialism]] and avoidance of [[Imperialism|imperialist]] foreign aid and interference, mainly by the [[International Monetary Fund]] and the [[World Bank]]. It also promoted the reduction of foreign debt.{{Citation needed}}

Sankara's domestic policies focused on eradication of famine with food self-sufficiency, and [[land reform]]. His government gave emphasis to education and public health, carried out literacy campaigns across the country and vaccinated 2.5 million children free of charge. His government also carried out greening projects to curb the growing desertification in the Sahel and advocated [[Feminism|women's liberation and freedom]], and improvements of women's social status. Sankara performed this work along with the [[nationalization]] of land and mineral resources.{{Citation needed}}

In order to achieve radical social changes, he set the premises for a [[dictatorship of the proletariat]] which suppressed [[Bourgeoisie|bourgeois]] interests, banned [[Trade union|trade unions]] (who were reactionary and a tool of the bourgeoisie in Burkina Faso), punished corrupt officials, [[Counterrevolution|counter-revolutionaries]], and people who didn't want to work through the [[People's Revolutionary Courts]]. He publicly admired [[Fidel Castro]]'s [[Cuban revolution]].{{Citation needed}}

He was assassinated by his close friend [[Blaise Compaoré]], with possible involvement from the French government and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. A week before his assassination, Sankara declared: "While revolutionaries as individuals can be murdered, you cannot kill ideas".<ref>https://www.reuters.com/assets/print?aid=USL17577712 Burkina Faso Salutes "Africa's Che" Thomas Sankara] by Mathieu Bonkoungou, ''Reuters'', 17 October 2007.</ref>

== Policies ==
In his 4 years as President of Burkina Faso, Sankara conducted a policy of anti-imperialism aimed at restoring sovereignty over his country. This began by calling out the [[International Monetary Fund]] and their African loans as imperialism, and calling for a [[Pan-Africanism|pan-African]] [[Socialism|socialist]] union.

He also led extensive national campaigns, some of which include:

* broke out the [[Patriarchy|patriarchal]] model of Burkinabé society
* vaccinated 2.5 million children against meningitis, yellow fever and measles
* prevented desertification of the Sahel
* stopped governmental corruption, which was widespread before him

He notably said that "a soldier without political education is only a potential criminal", and he undertook to reform the military into a revolutionary corps that would protect Burkina Faso from foreign imperialist threats. Notably, soldiers were put to work in building much-needed infrastructure such as wells, irrigation fields, or brick houses in the many villages of Burkina Faso. The people living in those villages were also tasked with building their own infrastructure so as to integrate them into the process and make them understand that the government is doing this for them and with them.

== Assassination ==
On 15 October 1987, Sankara was killed by an armed group in a [[coup d'état]] led by his close friend [[Blaise Compaoré]].

Compaoré immediately reversed the nationalizations, overturned nearly all of Sankara's policies, rejoined the International Monetary Fund and [[The World Bank|World Bank]] to bring in "desperately needed" funds to restore the "shattered" economy and ultimately spurned most of Sankara's legacy. Compaoré's [[dictatorship]] remained in power for 27 years until it was overthrown by popular protests in 2014. This has led many to suspect foreign involvment in the coup, particularly from the French government.

In February 2020, French member of parliament [[André Chassaigne]] ([[French Communist Party|PCF]]) formally asked to open a commission of inquiry into Sankara's death and France's possible involvement<ref>http://www.thomassankara.net/french-mp-demands-inquiry-into-murder-of-burkina-faso-president-sankara/?lang=en</ref>.

In 2021, a trial was started against Blaise Compaoré (then in exile). In April 2022, a verdict was rendered and Compaoré was found guilty of "attack on state security", "concealment of a corpse" "and complicity in a murder". He was sentenced to life in prison along with two more accomplices.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=Africa News|title=Former president Compaoré sentenced to life in Sankara trial|date=2022-04-06|url=https://www.africanews.com/2022/04/06/former-president-compaore-sentenced-to-life-in-sankara-trial/}}</ref>

== Legacy ==
[[File:6285646.image.jpg|thumb|Mural representing Thomas Sankara in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso]]
Today, Sankara is still looked up to in Africa by many -- there is virtually not one African youth who does not know his name. He is commemorated by many in his home country, to the point that many Burkinabé politicians (such as members of parliament) call for investigations into his assassination to this day.

== References ==
<references />
[[Category:Marxist-Leninists]]
[[Category:Revolutionaries]]
[[Category:Victims of assassination]]
[[Category:Communist leaders]]
[[Category:Communists]]
[[Category:Leaders]]

Thomas Sankara

2023-06-16T03:40:05Z

RedPowerBall: Cleaning up some of the page on sankara and changing up some grammar

{{External article cleanup|date=November 2021}}
{{Infobox revolutionary
| name = Thomas Sankara
| image = File:Thomas Sankara.jpg
| image_size = 200px
| caption = Portrait of Comrade Sankara
| nationality = [[Burkina Faso|Burkinabé]]
|political_party=[[African Independence Party]]| birth_name = Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara
| birth_date = 21 December 1949
| birth_place = Yako, [[Upper volta|Upper Volta]]
| death_date = 15 October 1987
| death_place = Ouagadougou, [[Burkina Faso]]
| death_cause = Assassination
| political_line = [[Marxism-Leninism]]
}}
'''Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara''', generally known as '''Thomas Sankara''', was a [[Marxism-leninism|Marxist-Leninist]] Burkinabé military officer and political leader who was elected President of [[Burkina Faso]] (then Upper Volta, an ex-French colony) from 1983 to 1987 after a coup. He was often referred to as the "[[Che Guevara]] of [[Africa]]".<ref>[https://www.reuters.com/assets/print?aid=USL17577712 Burkina Faso Salutes "Africa's Che" Thomas Sankara] by Mathieu Bonkoungou, ''[[Reuters]]'', 17 October 2007</ref><ref name="Thomas Sankara Speaks 2007, pg 11">''Thomas Sankara Speaks: the Burkina Faso Revolution: 1983–87'', by Thomas Sankara, edited by Michel Prairie; Pathfinder, 2007, pg 11</ref><ref>[https://archive.is/20120702213957/http://static.rnw.nl/migratie/www.radionetherlands.nl/currentaffairs/071015-Burkina-Faso-Sankara-redirected "Thomas Sankara, Africa's Che Guevara"] by ''[[Radio Netherlands Worldwide]]'', 15 October 2007.</ref><ref>[http://sarahgoyens.blogspot.com/2009/01/africas-che-guevara.html "Africa's Che Guevara"] by ''Sarah in Burkina Faso''.</ref>

In 1983 Sankara launched the [[August Fourth Revolution]] to seize power with the goal of eliminating corruption and the influence of the former [[French Republic|French]] [[Colonialism|colonial]] [[Imperialism|empire]]. This was widely supported by the people.{{Citation needed}} After taking office, Sankara immediately launched a plan to try social and economic changes on the African continent.

The colonial french name of [[Upper Volta]] was removed and the country was named [[Burkina Faso]] ("Land of Incorruptible People") to symbolize the country's autonomy and rebirth.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Hubert|first1=Jules Deschamps|title=Burkina Faso|url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Burkina-Faso|website=Encyclopædia Britannica|publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190409175723/https://www.britannica.com/place/Burkina-Faso|accessdate=9 April 2019|archive-date=9 April 2019}}</ref>

Sankara's foreign policy centered on [[anti-imperialism]] and avoidance of [[Imperialism|imperialist]] foreign aid and interference, mainly by the [[International Monetary Fund]] and the [[World Bank]]. It also promoted the reduction of foreign debt.{{Citation needed}}

Sankara's domestic policies focused on eradication of famine with food self-sufficiency, and [[land reform]]. His government gave emphasis to education and public health, carried out literacy campaigns across the country and vaccinated 2.5 million children free of charge. His government also carried out greening projects to curb the growing desertification in the Sahel and advocated [[Feminism|women's liberation and freedom]], and improvements of women's social status. Sankara performed this work along with the [[nationalization]] of land and mineral resources.{{Citation needed}}

In order to achieve radical social changes, he set the premises for a [[dictatorship of the proletariat]] which suppressed [[Bourgeoisie|bourgeois]] interests, banned [[Trade union|trade unions]] (who were reactionary and a tool of the bourgeoisie in Burkina Faso), punished corrupt officials, [[Counterrevolution|counter-revolutionaries]], and people who didn't want to work through the [[People's Revolutionary Courts]]. He publicly admired [[Fidel Castro]]'s [[Cuban revolution]].{{Citation needed}}

He was assassinated by his close friend [[Blaise Compaoré]], with possible involvement from the French government and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. A week before his assassination, Sankara declared: "While revolutionaries as individuals can be murdered, you cannot kill ideas".<ref>https://www.reuters.com/assets/print?aid=USL17577712 Burkina Faso Salutes "Africa's Che" Thomas Sankara] by Mathieu Bonkoungou, ''Reuters'', 17 October 2007.</ref>

== Policies ==
In his 4 years as President of Burkina Faso, Sankara conducted a policy of anti-imperialism aimed at restoring sovereignty over his country. This began by calling out the [[International Monetary Fund]] and their African loans as imperialism, and calling for a [[Pan-Africanism|pan-African]] [[Socialism|socialist]] union.

He also led extensive national campaigns, some of which include:

* broke out the [[Patriarchy|patriarchal]] model of Burkinabé society
* vaccinated 2.5 million children against meningitis, yellow fever and measles
* prevented desertification of the Sahel
* stopped governmental corruption, which was widespread before him

He notably said that "a soldier without political education is only a potential criminal", and he undertook to reform the military into a revolutionary corps that would protect Burkina Faso from foreign imperialist threats. Notably, soldiers were put to work in building much-needed infrastructure such as wells, irrigation fields, or brick houses in the many villages of Burkina Faso. The people living in those villages were also tasked with building their own infrastructure so as to integrate them into the process and make them understand that the government is doing this for them and with them.

== Assassination ==
On 15 October 1987, Sankara was killed by an armed group in a [[coup d'état]] led by his close friend [[Blaise Compaoré]].

Compaoré immediately reversed the nationalizations, overturned nearly all of Sankara's policies, rejoined the International Monetary Fund and [[The World Bank|World Bank]] to bring in "desperately needed" funds to restore the "shattered" economy and ultimately spurned most of Sankara's legacy. Compaoré's [[dictatorship]] remained in power for 27 years until it was overthrown by popular protests in 2014. This has led many to suspect foreign involvment in the coup, particularly from the French government.

In February 2020, French member of parliament [[André Chassaigne]] ([[French Communist Party|PCF]]) formally asked to open a commission of inquiry into Sankara's death and France's possible involvement<ref>http://www.thomassankara.net/french-mp-demands-inquiry-into-murder-of-burkina-faso-president-sankara/?lang=en</ref>.

In 2021, a trial was started against Blaise Compaoré (then in exile). In April 2022, a verdict was rendered and Compaoré was found guilty of "attack on state security", "concealment of a corpse" "and complicity in a murder". He was sentenced to life in prison along with two more accomplices.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=Africa News|title=Former president Compaoré sentenced to life in Sankara trial|date=2022-04-06|url=https://www.africanews.com/2022/04/06/former-president-compaore-sentenced-to-life-in-sankara-trial/}}</ref>

== Legacy ==
[[File:6285646.image.jpg|thumb|Mural representing Thomas Sankara in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso]]
Today, Sankara is still looked up to in Africa by many -- there is virtually not one African youth who does not know his name. He is commemorated by many in his home country, to the point that many Burkinabé politicians (such as members of parliament) call for investigations into his assassination to this day.

== References ==
<references />
[[Category:Marxist-Leninists]]
[[Category:Revolutionaries]]
[[Category:Victims of assassination]]
[[Category:Communist leaders]]
[[Category:Communists]]
[[Category:Leaders]]

Left communism

2023-06-16T03:28:00Z

RedPowerBall: Added citations needed to historical context second paragraph

'''Left communism''', also known as left-wing communism, is an [[Ultra-leftism|ultra-left]] political position. Left communism is a form of communist thought and action that forms from the concrete theory and practice of revolutionary communist organizing. It is thought to be related to ''petit-bourgeois revolutionism'' which "smacks of, or borrows something from, anarchism."<ref name=":0">''"Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder'', Lenin, V. I, Foreign Languages Press, 2nd Ed.</ref>

Left communists have historically rejected struggle in reactionary [[Trade union|trade unions]] and [[Bourgeoisie|bourgeois]] parliamentary institutions and/or elections. This is because left communists think engaging or making compromises with these institutions would be [[Counterrevolutionary|counter-revolutionary]].<ref name=":0" /> This conflicts with the concrete struggle that the [[Bolsheviks]] waged in these institutions to effectively organize and raise [[class consciousness]]. <ref name=":0" /><ref>{{Web citation|author=Nino Brown|newspaper=[[Liberation School]]|title=“Left-wing” communism and the movement today|date=2018-08-20|url=https://www.liberationschool.org/left-wing-communism-and-the-movement-today/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220518093255/https://www.liberationschool.org/left-wing-communism-and-the-movement-today/|archive-date=2022-05-18|retrieved=2022-11-27}}</ref><ref>{{Web citation|author=Richard Becker|newspaper=[[Liberation School]]|title=A handbook of tactics: Some historical context for studying “Left-wing” communism|date=2018-08-22|url=https://www.liberationschool.org/a-handbook-of-tactics-some-historical-context-for-studying-left-wing-communism/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220122061410/https://www.liberationschool.org/a-handbook-of-tactics-some-historical-context-for-studying-left-wing-communism/|archive-date=2022-01-22|retrieved=2022-11-27}}</ref>

==== Historical Context ====
Left communism forms from the inclusion of revolutionary petit-bourgeois ideas into the concrete struggle for communism. This means that the history of left communism is dialectically related to the history of communism itself.<ref name=":0" /> [[Vladimir Lenin]] further established the term and defined it in his pamphlet [https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1920/lwc/ "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder], originally published May 12th, 1920.

One historical example of left wing communism would be in the aftermath of the of 1917 Russian Revolution and the split that occurred between the Bolsheviks, led by [[Vladimir Lenin]], and the Left Communists, led by [[Rosa Luxemburg]], that occurred within the Russian Communist Party. The Bolsheviks advocated for a centralized party structure and a transitional socialist state while the Left Communists criticized the Bolsheviks authoritarianism as well the establishment of a [[Vanguard party]].{{Citation needed}}
=== Ideology of Left Communism ===

==== Anti-Authoritarianism ====
There's a strong emphasis on grassroots democracy, self-organization as well as the rejection of hierarchical structures. It also opposes the concentration of power in a centralized state or a party apparatus, as they view it as being prone to authoritarianism and the alienation of the working class. This principle is very similar to [[Anarchism]] due to their distinctive anti-authoritarianism stance.

==== Class Autonomy ====
There's a strong emphasis of the independent class struggle of the working class, that's free from any alliances or the compromising with the [[Bourgeoisie]] or other political forces. They reject Collaborating with liberal or reformist parties as they argue with the need to maintain their autonomy and the revolutionary character of the [[Proletariat]].

==== Internationalism ====
Similar to [[Marxism–Leninism]], Left Communists have been known to be advocates of international solidarity and revolution. Followers of Left-Communism argue that socialism can't be achieved within national boundaries as well as criticizing the nationalist tendencies that've been historically present in leftist movements.

==== Critique of the Party ====
Left Communists often question the role that a [[vanguard party]] would have as a revolutionary agent. They argue that even if a party has the best intentions, can still become detached from the working class and develop bureaucratic tendencies that would undermine the emancipatory goals that communism has.

=== Criticism of Mainstream Socialist and Communist Movements ===
Left Communists have been known to criticize movements that are socialist or communist, especially those that are associated with [[Social democracy]] and [[Leninism]]. It argues that social-democracy has been coopted by capitalism, and that it fails to challenge the basic structures of exploitation. However, they also believe that the Leninist Vanguardism can lead to the reproduction of hierarchical and authoritative structures, instead of genuine proletarian emancipation.

Other ideological beliefs that Left Communists have would be the criticizing of a transistional state or a [[Dictatorship of the proletariat]] as a DOTP can be a potential source of oppression as well as a deviation from the true goal of communism. Left Communists have been known to argue that while the state can initially be established to protect the revolution, can still become a tool of repression and bureaucracy that can hinder the establishment of a classless society.

==Further Reading==

* {{Citation|mia=https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1920/lwc/|author=Vladimir Lenin|title=“Left-Wing” Communism: an Infantile Disorder|year=1920|publisher=Progress Publishers}}

== References ==
[[Category:Left-wing ideologies]]

Li Dazhao

2023-06-15T04:11:24Z

RedPowerBall: Added information in the "Communist Party of China" section. Added death

{{Infobox politician
|name=Li Dazhao
|native_name=李大釗
|birth_date=1889-10-29
|birth_place=Laoting, Zhili (later renamed Hebei) Province, [[Qing dynasty|Qing Dynasty]]
|death_date=1927-04-28
|death_place=[[Peking]], [[Republic of China]]
|death_cause=Murder
|nationality=Han Chinese
|political_line=[[Marxism–Leninism]]}}

'''Li Dazhao''', also known by his pseudonym '''(hao) Shouchang''', was an intellectual who contributed to allying the [[Kuomintang]] with the [[Communist Party of China]].<ref name='Peking University Entry'>{{Citation|title=Li Dazhao | Peking University Library|title-url=https://www.lib.pku.edu.cn/portal/en/bggk/bgjs/lishiyange/lidazhao}}</ref>

==History==

===Early Life===

Li Dazhao was born in Laoting.

In the summer of 1913, Li Dazhao graduated from Tianjin Beiyang Institute of Law and Politics; in the winter of the same year, he moved to Japan and studied in Tokyo Waseda University, pursuing his Bachelor’s Degree in political economics.<ref name='Peking University Entry'/>

In May of 1916, he dropped out of school and returned home to protest against Yuan Shikai’s restoration of the monarchy. At the end of 1917, Li Dazhao started to work in Peking University.<ref name='Peking University Entry'/> He replaced Zhang Shizhao and became the director of Peking University Library in January, 1918. From July 1920, he had served as the director as well as a professor, teaching in departments of politics, history, and so on.

===Acceptance of Marxism‐Leninism===

After the [[October Revolution]], Li Dazhao accepted and disseminated [[Marxism–Leninism]].<ref name='Peking University Entry'/>

===Communist Party of China===
Co-founded the [[Communist Party of China]] along with [[Chen Duxiu]] in 1921. Inspired young revolutionaries such as [[Mao Zedong]] in his actions.<ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Xu Fan|newspaper=China Daily|title=Biopic Traces Revolutionary Journey of CPC Co-Founder Li Dazhao|date=2021-07-05|url=https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202107/05/WS60e2a426a310efa1bd65fc94.html}}</ref>

=== Death ===
On April 28th 1927<ref name=":0" />, Li Dazhao was arrested and then killed by [[Zhang Zuolin]]

==References==
<references />
[[Category:Revolutionaries]]