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State of Eritrea

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State of Eritrea
ሃገረ ኤርትራ
Flag of State of Eritrea
Flag
Coat of arms of State of Eritrea
Coat of arms
Motto: "Ertra, Ertra, Ertra"
"Eritrea, Eritrea, Eritrea"
Location of State of Eritrea
CapitalAsmara
Official languagesTigrinya
Beja
Tigre
Kunama
Saho
Bilen
Nara
Afar
Ethnic groups
55% Tigrinya
30% Tigre
4% Saho
2% Kunama
2% Rashaida
2% Bilen
5% Others (Afar, Beni-Amer, Nara)
GovernmentUnitary one-party bourgeois presidential republic
LegislatureNational Assembly
• Established
1993
CurrencyNafka (ERN)
Driving sideright
Internet TLD.er


Eritrea, officially the State of Eritrea, is a country in the Horn of Africa. It is bordered by Ethiopia in the south, Sudan in the west, and Djibouti in the southeast. The country is ruled by the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), which is the only legal party. President Isaias Afwerki has been in office since the country's proclamation of independence in 1993. It is one of three African countries independent from AFRICOM along with Zimbabwe and Niger.[1][2]

History[edit | edit source]

Precolonization[edit | edit source]

The territory known today as Eritrea occupies a geologically strategic sector of the Horn of Africa, bordered by the Red Sea to the east and the vast African interior to the west. The region has a human presence dating back one million years, specifically in the Danakil Depression, a hyperarid basin that has preserved some of the most critical archaeological evidence of Pleistocene human development anywhere on the continent.[3]

Between 1984 and 1998, a group of paleontologists and geologists initiated excavations in the Buya basin near the Gulf of Zula. This exploration yielded the discovery of an intact hominid skull dating back approximately one million years, known as "Madam Buya," a young adult female estimated to have been between 20 and 28 years of age at the time of her death.[3]

The Qohaito plateau contains evidence of continuous habitation dating back to circa 5000 BCE. In the Adi Alauti cave, located amid the canyons of Qohai, early inhabitants painted nearly one hundred vivid depictions of cattle, antelopes, and geometric figures. In the central highlands, specifically at Baati Mariam and Daero-Paulos, detailed inscriptions depict human characteristics and activities. These artistic expressions and records of long-term habitation provide evidence of settled socio-economic foundations namely, pastoralism, ritual life, and symbolic production that eventually fostered later class and state formations.[3]

Gash[edit | edit source]

The archaeological sites of the western lowlands, known as the Agordat sites, yielded pottery, stone axes, maces, and beads dating from between 2300 and 1700 BCE, a period when technology was emerging alongside the social hierarchies of the early Iron Age transition.[4]

The Gash people formed a stratified society characterized by flaked stone tools, heavy grindstones, and highly distinct pottery. They engaged in interregional trade and technological synthesis, showing parallels with the Early Kerma culture. Both cultures flourished simultaneously in the Nile Valley and Eastern Desert and likely spoke Afroasiatic languages of the Berber and Cushitic branches, which suggests a link to the ancestors of the modern Eritrean population. Networks of commerce, migration, and cultural exchange between the Early Kerma and the Gash groups demonstrate that Afroasiatic-speaking communities were active in interregional economies that formed the foundation for later state formations along the Nile.[4]

Wall relief depicting ancient Egyptian soldiers during the trading expedition to the Land of Punt ordered by Hatshepsut.

The Gash presence left behind substantial amounts of obsidian. Since obsidian is non-native to the western lowlands of Eritrea, its presence suggests long-distance trade; the material was likely sourced from volcanoes in the Eritrean and Ethiopian highlands and transported to Agordat, the Red Sea coast, and the Dahlak Archipelago.[4]

Land of Punt[edit | edit source]

Eritrea has been identified with the Land of Punt, implying that as early as the Twelfth Dynasty of Egypt from the reign of King Sesostris III to that of Queen Hatshepsut the Egyptians engaged in expeditions utilizing overland and maritime trade routes linking Egypt to the Red Sea coast of Eritrea. Although the Land of Punt encompassed a broader area than present-day Eritrea, the region served as a key intermediary in this interregional trade network.[5]

Egyptian explorers faced significant challenges in reaching Punt. Overland routes required travel through mountains and deserts, while the maritime route demanded advanced navigational skills. Relying on seasonal southerly winds, the journey from the Gulf of Suez to the northern Eritrean coast took approximately a month. Egyptian sailors had to traverse the length of the Red Sea, dock at natural harbors, and then journey back to Thebes. Egyptian voyages in Eritrean waters inspired popular tales of shipwrecked travelers in Puntite waters, which later became precursors to the story of Sinbad the Sailor. Primarily, these sailors transported live animals and luxury goods from Punt to Egypt. [5]

Ancient Ona Civilization[edit | edit source]

Meanwhile, in the central highlands surrounding Asmara, the present-day capital of Eritrea, records document the rise of the Ancient Ona. This highland agro-pastoral civilization, the earliest known in the Horn of Africa, thrived roughly between 900 and 200 BCE. It served as the center of the region's social development, which later influenced the Aksumite states to the south.[6]

Archaeological excavations have identified over 304 distinct sites. Key locations such as Sembel, Mar Chihot, Weki Duba, Ona Gudo, Adi Segdo, Mai Husta, and Adi Abieto reveal a civilization with a surprisingly high population density, implying sustained surplus production, labor division, and emerging social institutions.[6]

The Ancient Ona practiced intensive agriculture, cultivating a diverse array of cereals and pulses such as emmer, bread wheat, lentils, and linseed. By 600-400 BCE, they had incorporated domesticated teff into their agricultural systems. This agrarian foundation was supplemented by pastoralism, as most of their dietary protein came from herds of cattle, sheep, goats, and chickens. The Ancient Ona also left behind the stone architectural ruins of domestic households, which reflect a sedentary lifestyle.[6]

For decades, Western historians posited that complex social organization and state formation resulted from foreign migration and technological transfer from the South Arabian Peninsula. However, the Ancient Ona culture emerged from indigenous processes and exhibited a largely egalitarian social structure during its primary phase (800 - 400 BCE). During its terminal phase (300–220 BCE), as observed at Mar Chihot, an elite ruling class began to emerge. [6]

This stratification is evidenced by funerary and luxury goods, which likely originated from a shift in the mode of surplus appropriation specifically, resource extraction. The Ona developed extensive gold-mining networks in major settlements such as Ona Gudo and Weki Duba near ancient extraction sites. Alongside this economic shift, the civilization produced unique art featuring stylized bull heads. Collectively, these findings prove that sociopolitical complexity, urbanization, and social stratification were fundamentally indigenous phenomena.[6]

Kingdom of D’mt[edit | edit source]

The Kingdom of D’mt, also known as Da’amat, was a contemporary of the late Ona Culture. This powerful kingdom emerged across the highlands of southern Eritrea and spanned the northern Tigray region of Ethiopia. It is hypothesized to have existed from the 8th century BCE to the 4th century BCE.[7]

The Kingdom of D’mt is known for its monumental stone architecture, iron weapons and tools, and complex irrigation systems used to cultivate millet and indigenous crops. These features indicate an intensification of productive labor and surplus extraction. The capital of the kingdom is believed to have been Yeha in present-day Tigray, Ethiopia, where the massive Temple of Ilmuqah, the moon god, is preserved. This temple functioned as both a religious center and a source of state legitimation. Its careful structural design, intended to prevent decay, underscores its importance. Within Eritrea, key cities included Matara and Qohaito. Qohaito thrived as a lush garden city and served as an essential trade node on the vital route connecting the Red Sea coast to the D’mt interior.[7]

Politically and culturally, D’mt reflects a synthesis of Eritrean agro-pastoral traditions and Yemeni Sabaean culture. European colonialists once assumed that D’mt was a colonial outpost established by Sabaean migrants. However, Sabaean influence was largely restricted to religion, epigraphy, and architectural styles. It likely represented the impact of Sabaean merchants on the ruling class and dissipated within a few decades to a century, while D’mt remained culturally rooted in local traditions. This follows a common international pattern: foreign merchants and militaries typically influence the ruling class, whereas the broader working population historically maintains and determines the foundational culture of society.[7]

The D’mt Kingdom gradually collapsed in the 5th century BCE. Following this, the geopolitical landscape of southern Eritrea fragmented into multiple smaller chiefdoms, a period of division that lasted until approximately 100 CE. This cycle of fragmentation and reunification suggests that one chiefdom eventually consolidated the others politically through wealth accumulation via trade, military force, and elite diplomacy, such as strategic marriages. All the chiefdoms were ultimately reunified under the banner of the Aksumite Empire.[7]

Aksumite Empire[edit | edit source]

The Aksumite Empire lasted from 100 CE to 940 CE, the empire controlled the entirety of Eritrea, northern Ethiopia, and significant parts of western Yemen, southern Saudi Arabia, and eastern Sudan. Aksum’s imperial reach carried such weight that the Persian philosopher Mani categorized it as one of the great world powers of its time, rivaling Rome, Persia, and China. It was integrated into the network of global powers because it controlled strategic trade nodes, surplus-producing regions, and critical ports.[8]

Economically, the ancient Eritrean port of Adulis drove Aksum’s imperial expansion and military campaigns. Strategically located on the Gulf of Zula, Adulis functioned as the primary maritime gateway connecting Africa to the transcontinental trade networks of the Roman, Byzantine, Persian, and Indian empires. The port facilitated the export of gold, ivory, exotic animal hides, tortoiseshell, and slaves, while importing textiles, glassware, and precision metals. Operating within exchange networks that resembled capitalist structures long before the advent of capitalism, control over these trade nodes generated significant fiscal capacity through taxation and customs revenue, which in turn funded militarization and state-building.[8]

The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, a first-century Greco-Roman maritime guide, documents Adulis’s crucial role in the global supply chain. It notes that the Aksumite Emperor Zoskales was well versed in ancient Greek, which served as the official administrative and literary lingua franca for international trade and diplomacy at the time. Simultaneously, the indigenous Ge’ez script was adapted to serve a similar function within Eritrea. The substantial taxation revenue from customs houses financed the Aksumite imperial apparatus and funded the minting of its own sovereign currency in gold, silver, and bronze. These coins were prestigious rarities in the ancient world and served as markers of centralized fiscal power and integration into broader credit and exchange networks.[8]

A defining moment in Aksumite history was the state’s conversion to Christianity around 325 CE, when Emperor Ezana adopted Coptic Christianity, shifting away from the state’s previous polytheistic and Judaic religious practices. This was not a spiritual awakening but an ideological realignment and diplomatic strategy that aligned the Aksumite Empire with the Christian Roman and Byzantine Empires, ensuring highly favorable trade and military alliances. Meanwhile, the general populace maintained their faith through syncretism, blending their ancient religious traditions with Coptic Christianity.[8]

Recent archaeological excavations at Adulis by the Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana have unearthed several of the earliest Christian churches in the Horn of Africa. These structures were constructed between the 5th and early 7th centuries CE. Although Christianization began much earlier, this chronological lag supports the conclusion that the ruling class’s adoption of the religion did not immediately align with the beliefs of the general populace.[8]

The architecture of these churches reflects a culturally interconnected society. One church features traditional Aksumite design, manifesting as an elaborate cathedral with a baptistery situated atop a stepped Aksumite platform. Another church displays a Byzantine ecclesiastical ring of columns that supported a domed roof. This architectural syncretism demonstrates that local engineers successfully synthesized Mediterranean models with indigenous Aksumite techniques.[8]

Six Beja Kingdoms[edit | edit source]

With the decline of the Aksumite Empire, an immense power vacuum emerged along the Eritrean coast and northern highlands. This void was filled by the Beja, a union of military chiefdoms expanding aggressively from southern Sudan and the eastern desert of Eritrea. Born from migration and military expansion, the Beja rose as a result of long-distance trade, the availability of coastal commerce and mining, and their own military capacity.[9]

The Beja, specifically the Zanafaj clan, exploited Aksum's economic vulnerability and internal decay. They penetrated the Gash-Barka valleys and the northern Eritrean plateau, driving the Aksumite population further south. Between the 8th and 13th centuries, the Beja established six kingdoms stretching from Aswan in southern Egypt all the way to Massawa in Eritrea. Control of the Red Sea routes generated the resources necessary for the Beja to establish fortifications and administrative structures for these six kingdoms, transforming them from a loose union of chiefdoms into formalized polities spanning from Egypt to Eritrea. The Arab historian Al-Ya'qubi documented these six distinct kingdoms as: Bazin, Belgin, Jarin, Nagash, Qita'a, and Tankish.[9]

The Six Kingdoms integrated indigenous populations and established a militarized society. Certain Beja groups, such as the Dar-As Sawa clan, maintained formalized military academies where young men were trained in combat and warfare. The Beja were well connected to the Islamic world, enjoying mutually beneficial trade and diplomatic relationships. They permitted Muslim merchants to visit and operate gold and emerald mines within their territory. Over centuries of intermarriage, trade contact, and the migration of Jaaliyyin Arabs from the north, the Beja underwent Islamization. These Six Beja Kingdoms eventually evolved into modern Eritrean ethnic groups such as the Beni Amer, Hedareb, and Habab. The Islamization of the Six Kingdoms stood in contrast to the Christian highlands, a division that would later be exploited by imperial powers and persists to this day.[9]

Kingdom of Medri Bahri[edit | edit source]

Ethiopian Orthodox painting depicting Dejazmach Hailu, the second-last independent ruler of the Kingdom of Medri Bahri.

While the Six Kingdoms were integrated into the Islamic world, central Eritrea the Kebassa region, spanning the provinces of Hamasien, Seraye, and Akele Guzay emerged from the Aksumite collapse to form the Christian Kingdom of Medri Bahri around 1137 CE. The highlands functioned as a critical militarized buffer between the Ethiopian Empire to the south and the Six Kingdoms to the north and west. Medri Bahri's survival depended on the militarized buffer zones afforded by its geography; controlling upland agrarian production and strategic passes gave it significant leverage.[10]

Initially, the Kingdom of Medri Bahri was ruled by a figure known as the Bahr Negus ("King of the Sea"). The territory was historically referred to as Ma'ikele Bahr ("the land between the Red Sea and the Mereb River"). The political and demographic structure of Medri Bahri was radically centralized during the reign of the Ethiopian Emperor Zara Yaqob, who sought to consolidate the north against the Six Kingdoms. Zara Yaqob traveled to the Medri Bahri capital, Debarwa, where he elevated the position of the Bahr Negus to Bahr Negash and granted him sovereignty over all the chiefs in Hamasien and Seraye. Zara Yaqob restructured Medri Bahri as a means to extract tribute, mobilize manpower against the Six Kingdoms, and secure regional trade routes.[10]

To enforce his imperial authority and suppress local resistance, Emperor Zara Yaqob stationed a permanent military colony of Maya warriors from the southern Ethiopian Empire within the capital and across the provinces. Their arrival terrified the local population, enabling the ruling class to collect high levels of tribute. Nevertheless, the kingdom maintained a political structure in which traditional local clan leaders retained authority over their respective districts, provided tributes were paid promptly. This approach established a coercive apparatus to secure extraction without fully dissolving local power relations, concessions made by the ruling class to reproduce social relations with minimal administrative costs and to prevent resistance.[10]

The identity of the Kingdom of Medri Bahri was linked to the concept of the Mereb Melash, roughly translating to "the land beyond the Mereb River." This functioned as both a physical barrier and a sociopolitical boundary separating the Tigrinya-speaking highlands of Eritrea from the Tigrinya-speaking Tigray province of Ethiopia. These boundaries became institutionalized as they delineated distinct economic zones and language communities.[10]

The relationship between the Bahr Negash of Medri Bahri and the Ethiopian Emperor constantly varied, ranging from strict subordination to outright rebellion, depending on the military strength of the Ethiopian Empire. During periods of Ethiopian weakness, the Bahr Negash asserted sovereignty and forged military alliances and treaties. For example, in 1561, the Bahr Negash Yeshaq openly revolted against the Ethiopian Emperor Menas. [10]

After Medri Bahri was defeated, Bahr Negash Yeshaq fled to the Ottoman Empire, promising to offer them the ports of Massawa and Arqiqo in exchange for military support against the Ethiopian Empire. Ottoman forces and Red Sea merchants subsequently entered the region with imperialist ambitions, competing for ports, resources, and colonial influence. This marked the beginning of the colonization of Eritrea and the greater region.[10]

Colonization[edit | edit source]

The borders of what is now Eritrea were established after the imperial governments of Europe sought to colonize Africa after the Scramble for Africa. The state remained in a geopolitical vacuum for a few years as it was still controlled by its native population for a long time after being declared a colony.

In 1889, after the death of Emperor Yohannes IV, Colonist and General of the Kingdom of Italy  Oreste Baratieri illegally sent his forces along the Eritrean coast and his conquest led to the establishment of the colony of Italian Eritrea.

The Ethiopian King Menelik of Shewa was compelled by the Italians and by his rivalry with Eritrea to be the first to recognize the de-facto control of the country in the Treaty of Wuchale in exchange for guarantees of financial assistance and continuing access to European arms and ammunition, promises which would only be half-kept for a few years until the First Italo-Ethiopian War of 1895.

From 1888 onwards, Italy increased its control on the Eritrean population and their land, using the natives who lived there as cheap and slave labour to aid their ruthless expansion. The agricultural sector was expanded in tandem with the Eritrean railways until 1911. At that time, there was also a concentrated effort from the Italian government to legitimize their colonial expansion by enlisting members of the old aristocracy and well-off city dwellers into the Colonial Police and Colonial Army. The rest of the urban Eritreans were left to work lowly jobs in public service, mostly cleaning, construction and other kinds of manual labour for little and no pay.

To aid with bringing Italian colonists and create a labour aristocracy, the Italian administration opened a number of new factories, which produced buttons, cooking oil, pasta, construction materials, packing meat, tobacco, hide, and other household commodities. In 1939, there were around 2,198 factories and most of the employees were Eritrean citizens. The establishment of industries also made an increase in the number of both Italians and Eritreans residing in the cities. The number of Italians residing in the territory increased from 4,600 to 75,000 in five years, and more Eritreans were enlisted into plantation work, with the old aristocracy getting to own some of the plantations themselves. The rise of Fascism in Italy after 1922 led to Eritrea being flooded with even more colonists, and the entire area soon became the industrial center for the colonial administration of the newly formed Italian East Africa. After suffering trough the Second World War and a brief British occupation, the Eritreans were now ruled by a UN and NATO-supported Ethiopian Empire against their own wishes, with the UN opting to "federate" it with Ethiopia.

Independence[edit | edit source]

In 1958, a group of Eritreans founded the Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM). The organization was one of the first to start an organized Eritrean resistance against Ethiopia. It mainly fought in acts of direct action against the occupation by Imperial Ethiopia, and inspired more and more common people to fight for the independence of Eritrea. The conflict between Eritreans and the Ethiopian Empire would erupt in full force on 1 September 1961, when Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), under the leadership of Hamid Idris Awate, waged an armed struggle for independence. In 1962, Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie renounced Eritrea's equal status in the "federation" and annexed the territory.

The ensuing Eritrean War of Independence went on for 30 years against successive Ethiopian governments (both bourgeois and socialist), in 1991, when the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), a successor of the ELF, made their way into the capital and completely liberated the remaining Eritrean territory, they would proceed to give support to Ethiopian rebel forces that would eventually reach the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa and proclaim a bourgeois government.

Following a UN-supervised referendum in Eritrea in which the Eritrean people overwhelmingly voted for independence, Eritrea declared its independence and gained international recognition in 1993. The EPLF seized power, established a one-party state along nationalist lines with little Marxist-Leninist influence and put elections on hold until the present day.

Current political status[edit | edit source]

Over the years, Eritrea has established international relations with multiple countries and its position in spheres of influence has varied, but it has mostly stayed on the side of Marxist-Leninist states as it has been the victim of a relentless pro-imperialist crusade. In July 2019 Eritrea and other countries signed a joint letter defending China against right-wing figures such as Adrian Zenz.

Currently, there is no evidence that Eritrea is a dictatorship of the proletariat. Due to misconceptions about what qualifies a country as socialist, the general public debates over their perception of Eritrea as "socialist". In the liberal media it is frequently compared to Cuba for their similarities,[11] with some journalists asserting that it is socialist,[12] whereas others conclude, "We will have to wait and see".[13]

The Eritrean government has seen success in its social programs to increase literacy across the whole country, with a 2018 analysis showing that the rate of literacy among 15-24 year-olds rose to 93.3%. While the problem of illiteracy has been almost annihilated[14], school attendance is still a problem across the country, with only 61% of eligible children attending secondary school, however, primary school attendance is high. Eritreans enjoy women's emancipation, higher life expectancy, free healthcare, free medicines, free and compulsory vaccination, food security, roads, and electricity.[15] They also have rent control.[13]

Rather than accept aid, Eritrea tries to attract investors in all sectors, with the caveat that the state retains ownership over 40 to 50 percent of the shares.[16] All businesses are state-owned.[12] Eritrea moved away from a cash-based economy to overcome inflation caused by illegal hoarding, especially by foreign bankers.[13]

Eritrea has recently been subjected to US sanctions due to Eritrea's refusal to cooperate with AFRICOM.[17]

References[edit | edit source]

  1. ↑ Margaret Kimberley (2023-08-09). "Eritrea Celebrates Freedom" Black Agenda Report. Archived from the original on 2023-08-12.
  2. ↑ U.S. Africa Command Public Affairs (2024-09-16). "Why has Niger declared US military presence in its territory illegal?" United States Africa Command. Retrieved 2025-01-19.
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 “Facies Associations of the Northern Dandiero Basin (Danakil Depression, Eritrea, Including the Pleistocene Buya Homo Site).” 2026. Journal of Maps. https://doi.org/10.1080//17445647.2013.862748.
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 “Gash Civilization Thrives in Africa | Anthropology | Research Starters | EBSCO Research.” 2022. EBSCO. 2022. https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/anthropology/gash-civilization-thrives-africa.
  5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 Bard, Kathryn A., and Rodolfo Fattovich. 2018. “The Land of Punt: A View from Mersa/Wadi Gawasis.” Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom, August, 156–75. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004379602_008.
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 Curtis, Matthew C. 2009. “Relating the Ancient Ona Culture to the Wider Northern Horn: Discerning Patterns and Problems in the Archaeology of the First Millennium BC.” African Archaeological Review 26 (4): 327–50. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10437-009-9062-4.
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 “Kingdom of Daʾamat | Historical Kingdom, East Africa | Britannica.” 2026. Encyclopedia Britannica. 2026. https://www.britannica.com/place/kingdom-of-Daamat.
  8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 “Kingdom of Aksum | History | Research Starters | EBSCO Research.” 2022. EBSCO. 2022. https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/history/kingdom-aksum.
  9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 Dahl, Gudrun. n.d. “Precolonial Beja: A Periphery at the Crossroads.” Accessed April 10, 2026. https://su.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:586255/FULLTEXT01.pdf.
  10. ↑ 10.0 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 Erlich, Haggai. 2024. “‘Medri Bahri.’” Greater Tigray and the Mysterious Magnetism of Ethiopia, January, 11–18. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197769331.003.0003.
  11. ↑ Eritrea; The African Cuban (2016-10-10).
  12. ↑ 12.0 12.1 Is Eritrea a Socialist or Communist State? (2021-09-12).
  13. ↑ 13.0 13.1 13.2 Eritrea: 25 Years of Struggle Building Socialism (2016-05-11).
  14. ↑
    “Literacy is up from 20 percent right after independence in 1991 (only 10 percent for women), to the predicted 80 percent in 2015.”

    Andre Vltchek (2014-12-24). Eritrea still standing, still tall!.
  15. ↑ Andre Vltchek (2014-12-24). Eritrea still standing, still tall!.
  16. ↑
    “It wants investment, even in the strategic mining sector, but only if the state retains controlling shares over at least 40 to 50 percent of the mining production.”

    Andre Vltchek (2014-12-24). Eritrea still standing, still tall!.
  17. ↑ Redacted Tonight (2021-08-30). "US Targets Eritrea For Saying No To AFRICOM". YouTube.